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{{Short description|American civil rights activist (1937–2023)}}
{{Infobox person
| name = Casey Hayden
| image
| caption =
|
| birth_date = {{Birth date|mf=yes|1937|10|31}}▼
| birth_place = [[Austin, Texas]], U.S.▼
▲| birth_date = {{Birth date|mf=yes|1937|10|31}}
| death_date = {{Death date and age|mf=yes|2023|01|04|1937|10|31}}▼
▲| birth_place = [[Austin, Texas]], U.S.
| death_place = [[Arizona]], U.S.▼
▲| death_date = {{Death date and age|mf=yes|2023|01|04|1937|10|31}}
| occupation = Civil rights activist▼
▲| death_place = [[Arizona]], U.S.
| education = [[Victoria College (Texas)|Victoria College]]<br>[[University of Texas, Austin]] ([[Bachelor of Arts|BA]])
| movement = [[Students for a Democratic Society]], [[Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee]], [[Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party]]
▲| occupation = Civil rights activist
}}
'''Sandra Cason Hayden''' (October 31, 1937 – January 4, 2023) was an American radical student activist and [[Civil rights movement|civil rights]] worker in the 1960s. Recognized for her defense of [[direct action]] in the struggle against [[racial segregation]], in 1960 she was an early recruit to [[Students for a Democratic Society]] (SDS). With [[Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee]] (SNCC) in Mississippi
Hayden's vision was of a "radically democratic" movement driven by organizers in the field. In defending grassroots organization she believed she was also advocating for the voice of women. In "Sex and Caste" (November 1965), a reworking of an internal memo they had drafted with other SNCC women, Hayden and [[Mary King (political scientist)|Mary King]] drew "parallels" with the experience of [[African Americans|African-Americans]] to suggest that women are "caught up in a common-law [[caste]] system that operates, sometimes subtly, forcing them to work around or outside hierarchical structures of power." Since regarded as a bridge connecting civil rights to women's liberation, Hayden describes its publication as her "last action as a movement activist."
In the decades that followed, she continued to acknowledge the civil-rights struggle of the era as the forerunner for women, and for all those, who have taken up "the idea of organising for themselves."
== Early life ==
Casey Hayden was born Sandra Cason (a name she continued to use legally) on October 31, 1937, in [[Austin, Texas|Austin]], [[Texas]],<ref name=Smith>{{cite book |last=Smith |first=Harold L. |editor-last1=Turner |editor-first1=Elizabeth Hayes |editor-last2=Cole |editor-first2=Stephanie |editor-last3=Sharpless |editor-first3=Rebecca |title=Texas Women: Their Histories, Their Lives. |publisher=University of Georgia Press |date=2015 |pages=[https://archive.org/details/texaswomentheirh0000turn/page/295 295–318] |chapter=Casey Hayden: Gender and the Origins of SNCC, SDS, and the Women's Liberation Movement |isbn=9780820347905 |chapter-url=https://archive.org/details/texaswomentheirh0000turn/page/295 }}</ref> as a fourth-generation Texan.<ref name="Turner 2015">{{Cite book|jstor=j.ctt175758p|title=Texas Women: Their Histories, Their Lives|date=2015|publisher=University of Georgia Press|isbn=9780820347202|editor-last=Turner|editor-first=Elizabeth Hayes|editor-last2=Cole|editor-first2=Stephanie|editor-last3=Sharpless|editor-first3=Rebecca|chapter=Their Histories, Their Lives}}</ref> She was raised in [[Victoria, Texas]], in a "
== Campus activist ==
In 1957 Cason enrolled as junior at [[University of Texas at Austin|The University of Texas]]. She moved out of campus dorms into the [[Social Gospel]] and racially integrated Christian Faith and Life Community, and as officer of [[Young Women's Christian Association]] and member of the Social Action Committee of the university's Religious Council was soon engaged in civil-rights education and protest. Continuing from 1959 as a UT English and philosophy graduate student, she participated in a successful sit-in campaign to desegregate Austin-area restaurants and theaters.
In a dramatic intervention at the [[National Student Association]] convention in Minneapolis in August 1960, Cason turned back a broadly supported motion objecting to sit-ins that would have denied support to the fledgling [[Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee|Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee]] (SNCC). “I cannot say to a person who suffers injustice, ‘Wait,’ And having decided that I cannot urge caution, I must stand with him.”<ref>{{Cite web |last=Casey |first=Hayden |date=1960 |title=Speech in support of the sit-ins by Casey Hayden, United States National Student Association conference, August 1960 |url=https://www.crmvet.org/info/60nsach.htm |access-date=2023-03-21 |website=www.crmvet.org}}</ref><ref>Houck, Davis W. and Dixon, David E. (2008), "Casey Hayden: August 1960, National Student Association Convention, Minneapolis, Minnesota", in ''Women and the Civil Rights Movement, 1954-1965'', University Press of Mississippi ISBN 9781640473107<nowiki/>1</ref> Among the delegates who, after a moments silence, gave her a standing ovation were SDS president [[Alan Haber]], who, as she recalls, "scooped" her up, and [[Tom Hayden]], editor of University of Michigan student newspaper. Stirred by her "ability to think morally [and] express herself poetically," he followed her into Haber's new left-wing grouping.<ref>Smith (2015). p. 365</ref>
At the SNCC second coordinating conference in [[Atlanta]] in October 1960, Cason reported herself transfixed by the idea of the Beloved Community as espoused by [[James Lawson (activist)|James Lawson]] and [[Diane Nash]] of the [[Nashville Student Movement]].<ref>Houck and Dixon (2009). p. 135</ref>
== With the SNCC in the South==
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| video1 = [http://americanarchive.org/catalog/cpb-aacip-151-kd1qf8kc1r “Interview with Casey Hayden”] conducted in 1986 for the [[Eyes on the Prize]] documentary in which she discusses [[Freedom Summer]], civil rights activism in Mississippi, working with [[Bob Moses (activist)]], and as a member of [[SNCC]].}}
In the summer of 1961 Cason moved to [[New York City]] and lived with Tom Hayden. In a ceremony invoking [[Albert Camus]]--"I, on the other hand, choose justice in order to remain faithful to the world"—they married in October, and then moved to Atlanta.<ref>Smith (2015). p. 369</ref> "Godmother of the SNCC" [[Ella Baker]] had hired Cason (now Casey Hayden) for a YWCA special project, travelling to southern campuses to conduct integrated race-relations workshops (secretly in the case of some white schools). She also worked in the SNCC office on, among other projects, preparations for the [[Freedom Riders]] who were to challenge non-enforcement of the [[Supreme Court of the United States|United States Supreme Court]] decision [[Boynton v. Virginia]] (1960). In December, as Freedom Riders themselves, the Haydens were arrested in [[Albany, Georgia]].
It was from the jail cell that Tom Hayden began drafting what was to become the [[Port Huron Statement]], adopted by the SDS at its convention in June 1962 in [[Ann Arbor, Michigan]]. With Tom Hayden elected SDS president for the 1962–1963 academic year, and Casey Hayden heeding the SNCC call to return to Atlanta, they separated, divorcing in 1965. While she had had the reputation in the SDS of being "one of the boys," much of the discussion within the SDS inner circle struck her as young men posturing. Her heart was with the SNCC where, consistent with the focus on action, greater value was placed on building relationships, and where women, Black women, spoke out.<ref>Smith (2015). p. 372</ref>
In 1963, Casey Hayden moved to [[Mississippi]] where, along with [[Doris Derby]], she was asked to begin a literacy project at [[Tougaloo College]] in an all-black community outside Jackson. The comparative safety of the college was a consideration: out in the field the increased visibility she brought as a white woman was a risk not only to herself, but also to her comrades. But it was also important to Hayden that the "request was specifically made" because of her background in English education:
<blockquote>As a Southerner, I considered the Southern Freedom Movement Against Segregation mine as much any one else's. I was working for my right to be with who I chose to be with as I chose to be with them. It was my freedom. However, when I worked full time in the black community I considered myself a guest of that community, which required decency and good manners, as every Southerner knows. I considered myself a support person; my appropriate role was to provide support from behind the lines, not to be a leader in any public way.</blockquote>
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However, it is the recollection of Elaine DeLott Baker that when she joined Hayden in Jackson just the month before Freedom Summer, the era when "the beloved community" operated "in a space beyond race and gender" was already being spoken of with nostalgia.<blockquote>There was a hierarchy in place that determined the definition of the "people" in the phrase, "Let the people decide". There was an unspoken understanding of who should speak up at meetings, who should propose ideas in public places, and who should remain silent. [It] was not the traditional hierarchy, it was a hierarchy based on considerations of race, the amount of time spent in the struggle, dangers suffered, and finally, of gender . . . —black men at the top of the hierarchy, then black women, followed by white men, and at the bottom, white women.</blockquote> "Women, black and white," still retained "an enormous amount of operational freedom, they were indeed the ones that were keeping things moving." But as people began to debate the direction the movement should take "in the post-freedom summer reality," there was "little public recognition of that reality."<ref>Elaine DeLott Baker (2009). Document 98: Elaine DeLott Baker, excerpts from Francesca Polletta and Elaine DeLott Baker, "The 1964 Waveland Memo and the Rise of Second-Wave Feminism," Organization of American Historians, Annual Meeting, Seattle, 26–29 March 2009, Elaine DeLott Baker Papers, Schlesinger Library, Radcliffe Institute, Harvard University.</ref>
At the end of the summer, Hayden describes everyone in the movement "reeling from the violence," from the impact of "the new racial imbalance" following the influx of white-student volunteers, and from "the lack of direction and money." Most of all they were staggered to find the [[Democratic Party (United States)|Democratic Party]] "in the role of racist lunch counter owner refusing entrance to the MFDP at the Atlantic City convention. The core of SNCC's work, voter registration, was open to question."<ref>Casey Hayden (2014) (to Elaine DeLott Baker, 11 September 2014). Introduction. Document 45. Casey Hayden (aka Sandra Cason)], "Memorandum on Structure," Waveland, Mississippi, [6-12 November 1964], Elaine DeLott Baker Papers, Schlesinger Library, Radcliffe Institute, Harvard University https://womhist.alexanderstreet.com/SNCC/doc45.htm.</ref> As an opportunity to take stock, to critique and reevaluate the organization, a retreat in [[Waveland, Mississippi]], was organized for November.
=="Sex and Caste"==
Among the Position Papers circulated at Waveland, number 24 ("name
Elaine DeLott Baker recalls King, in her "organized style," summarizing the discussion, while Hayden, with her "impressive intellect and commitment," "helped us see how the feminist readings that fuelled our discussions related to our experiences as women in the movement."<ref>Elaine Delott Baker Introduction, Document 43: (name withheld by request), Position Paper #24, (women in the movement), Waveland, Mississippi, [6-12 November 1964], Elaine DeLott Baker Papers, Schlesinger Library, Radcliffe Institute, Harvard University. https://womhist.alexanderstreet.com/SNCC/doc43.htm Introduction</ref> Hayden, for her part, remembers DeLott Baker writing the opening section ("a list of complaints about inequality of access to leadership on the part of women in SNCC"), and "as we thought about parallels between being black" of helping to draw this out.<ref>Casey Hayden (1995). "Feminists and Women," 12th Annual Fannie Lou Hamer Symposium Lecture Series, Jackson State University, 4–6 October 1995, Elaine DeLott Baker Papers, Schlesinger Library, Radcliffe Institute, Harvard University. https://womhist.alexanderstreet.com/SNCC/doc89.htm.</ref> "Assumptions of male superiority," the paper proposed, "are as widespread and deep rooted and every much as crippling to the woman as the assumptions of white supremacy are to the Negro," so that many women, "give themselves up to that caricature of what a woman is-- unthinking, pliable, an ornament to please."<ref>Document 43: (name withheld by request), Position Paper #24, (women in the movement), Waveland, Mississippi, [6-12 November 1964], Elaine DeLott Baker Papers, Schlesinger Library, Radcliffe Institute, Harvard University. https://womhist.alexanderstreet.com/SNCC/doc43.htm</ref>
Notwithstanding its subsequent reputation as a link between the Civil Rights Movement and the Women's Movement,<ref>{{Cite book |last=Polletta |first=Francesca |url=https://press.uchicago.edu/ucp/books/book/chicago/F/bo3682810.html |title=Freedom Is an Endless Meeting: Democracy in American Social Movements |publisher=University of Chicago Press |location=Chicago, IL |pages=155 |language=en}}</ref> and a "key text of [[second-wave feminism]],"<ref>Jacobs, E (2007), ' Revisiting the Second Wave: In Conversation with Mary King ' ''Meridians'', vol. 7, no. 2, pp. 102-116 .</ref><ref>Document 98: Elaine DeLott Baker, excerpts from Francesca Polletta and Elaine DeLott Baker, "The 1964 Waveland Memo and the Rise of Second-Wave Feminism," Organization of American Historians, Annual Meeting, Seattle, 26–29 March 2009, Elaine DeLott Baker Papers, Schlesinger Library, Radcliffe Institute, Harvard University. 5 pp. https://womhist.alexanderstreet.com/SNCC/doc98.htm</ref> in what she persisted in calling "A Kind of Memo" Hayden avoided the feminist language that she and her friends had learned from reading [[Simone de Beauvoir]], [[Betty Friedan]] and [[Doris Lessing]]. Within "the framework of human rights and civil liberties at the time . . . women's rights had no meaning, indeed they did not exist."<ref>Ruth Rosen (2013)</ref> Instead she continued to rely on the movement's own rhetoric of race relations:
<blockquote>There seem to be many parallels that can be drawn between treatment of Negroes and treatment of women in our society as a whole. But in particular, women we've talked to who work in the movement seem to be caught up in a common-law caste system that operates, sometimes subtly, forcing them to work around or outside hierarchical structures of power which may exclude them. Women seem to be placed in the same position of assumed subordination in personal situations too. It is a caste system which, at its worst, uses and exploits women.</blockquote>
In November 1965, Hayden had the paper published in ''Liberation'', the bi-monthly of the [[War Resisters League]], the title Sex and Caste being suggested by the editor by [[David McReynolds]].<ref>Document 86A: Casey Hayden (aka Sandra Cason) and Mary King, "Sex and Caste," 18 November 1965, ''Liberation Magazine'', April 1966, Elaine DeLott Baker Papers, Schlesinger Library, Radcliffe Institute, Harvard University. pp. 35-36. https://womhist.alexanderstreet.com/SNCC/doc86A.htm</ref> It was, Hayden has pointed out, her "last action as movement activist."<ref>Casey Hayden (2015), "Only Love Is Radical." ''Inspiring Participatory Democracy: Student Movements from Port Huron to Today'', ed. Tom Hayden. New York: Routledge, 2015, 65.</ref>
In the fall of 1965 Hayden had been in a difficult position. Like some other white SNCC veterans after Freedom Summer she "took a stab at white organizing." Officially on loan from the SNCC, Hayden worked with the SDS in Chicago organizing displaced [[Appalachian people|Appalachian]] women into a welfare recipients union,<ref>Casey Hayden (1965). "Organizing Chicago's Southern Whites," SDS Bulletin vol. 4, no. 2. Forum 5-forum 9, digitized scan from Calisphere website, accessed at http://content.cdlib.org/view?docId=kt4w1003tt.</ref> a foot soldier in Tom Hayden's vision of an "interracial movement of the poor."<ref>Heather Frost (2001). ''An Interracial Movement of the Poor: Community Organizing and the New Left in the 1960s.'' New York: New York University press. {{ISBN|0-8147-2697-6}}.</ref> It was hard and, because of male violence, at times dangerous. She realized it was "foolhardy" to organize women alone and on her own. She needed help, and this was motive for revisiting the original memo.<ref>Document 86A: Casey Hayden (aka Sandra Cason) and Mary King, "Sex and Caste," 18 November 1965, Liberation Magazine, April 1966, Elaine DeLott Baker Papers, Schlesinger Library, Radcliffe Institute, Harvard University. pp. 35-36. Introduction. https://womhist.alexanderstreet.com/SNCC/doc86A.htm</ref><ref>{{Cite web |last=Hayden |first=Casey |date=2010 |title=Veterans of the Civil Rights Movement -- In the Attics of My Mind |url=https://www.crmvet.org/comm/hayden.htm |access-date=2022-05-16 |website=www.crmvet.org}}</ref> She was also at a point at which it was clear that there was no going back to the SNCC she had known.
==Break with SNCC leadership==
At an April 1965 SNCC Executive Committee meeting in [[Holly Springs, Mississippi]], Hayden was labelled a "floater," a "derisive term for staff members who were viewed as too independent from the leadership structure."<ref>Michelle Moravec (2017) "Revisiting 'A Kind of Memo' from Casey Hayden and Mary King (1965)." https://womhist.alexanderstreet.com/SNCC/revisiting.htm</ref> Although at times raucous,<ref>Ruth Rosen (2013). The World Split Open: How the Modern Women's Movement Changed America. Tantor eBooks</ref> the reception of the paper on women may not have been the immediate issue. Hayden had authored, and owned to, another paper at Waveland the previous November, a "Memorandum on Structure."<ref>Document 45: [Casey Hayden (aka Sandra Cason)], "Memorandum on Structure," Waveland, Mississippi, [6-12 November 1964], Elaine DeLott Baker Papers, Schlesinger Library, Radcliffe Institute, Harvard University. https://womhist.alexanderstreet.com/SNCC/doc45.htm</ref>—her own contribution on the question of constitutional revision.
SNCC executive secretary [[James Forman]] had questioned [[Martin Luther King Jr.]]'s top-down leadership style at the [[Southern Christian Leadership Conference]]<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://kinginstitute.stanford.edu/encyclopedia/forman-james|title=Forman, James|website=kinginstitute.stanford.edu|date=2 May 2017|access-date=2019-12-03}}</ref> Yet by the close of 1964 he was increasingly insistent on the need within the SNCC for "structure." Hayden conceded that at this point "there was no way to make a decision." In the absence of a command structure "there was no regular communication between Atlanta and the organizers. We had been flying by the seat of our pants for years." Through the committee Forman put forward a plan for a decision making structure that "spoke to the structural needs of the Atlanta office." [[Bob Moses (activist)|Bob Moses]] countered with a paper that "spoke to the structural needs of organizers."
Hayden's attempt, as she saw it, was "to get us through the impasse." She agreed the need for structure, "basically" Forman's, while seeking to maintain "both SNCC's central allegiance to programmatic control by organizers in the field and respect for the way we had organically developed, the ways we actually operated." Her plan went along with Forman's proposal to constitute the staff as the Coordinating Committee (the campus sit-in groups that comprised the original
This still suggested too loose, too confederal a structure for the party-political direction on which Forman and others were now travelling. At first this was toward the project of a Southwide Freedom Summer that, independent of the manpower and publicity of white volunteers,<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://womhist.alexanderstreet.com/SNCC/doc45.htm|title=[Casey Hayden (aka Sandra Cason)], "Memorandum on Structure," November 1964|website=womhist.alexanderstreet.com|access-date=2019-12-17}}</ref> would build a "Black Belt political party" that could write its "own voting bill."<ref>Mary E. King. Notes; SNCC meeting; Fall, 1965, p. 9. p. 79. Mary E. King papers, 1962-1999; Archives Main Stacks, Z: Accessions M82-445, Box 3, Folder 2, Freedom Summer Collection, Wisconsin Historical Society, accessed http://content.wisconsinhistory.org/cdm/ref/collection/p15932coll2/id/26004.</ref> Later, and after a decision in 1966 to organize embattled ghettos in the North, it was toward a coast-to-coast "Black United Front."<ref>Span, Paula (April 8, 1998). "The Undying Revolutionary: As Stokely Carmichael, He Fought for Black Power. Now Kwame Ture's Fighting For His Life". ''The Washington Post''. p. D01.</ref> This was to be forged through a merger (from which Forman and the majority did, ultimately, pull back) with the [[Black Panther Party|Black Panthers]]: [[Stokely Carmichael]] as "Prime Minister", James Forman as "Foreign Minister."<ref>[https://news.google.com/newspapers?nid=888&dat=19680926&id=HcIwAAAAIBAJ&sjid=KFwDAAAAIBAJ&pg=6199,3660800 "SNCC Crippled by Defection of Carmichael"], ''Washington Post'' news service (''St. Petersburgh Times''), September 26, 1968.</ref> Hayden had couched her proposals in gender-neutral terms, but she did believe that it was in a grassroots organization that women's voices would be most influential. Whether or not it was uppermost in her mind at the time, she later reflected that "patriarchy was an issue."<ref>Smith (2015). p. 378</ref>
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==Later years==
After 1965 Hayden worked for the New York Department of Welfare for a couple of years before moving to a rural [[Vermont]] commune with some other Mississippi veterans. She studied [[Zen Buddhism]], was active in the home birth movement, and had two children with Donald Campbell Boyce III, a "yogi carpenter" who helped Hayden and others establish the Integral Yoga Institute of San Francisco in 1970.<ref>Smith (2015). p. 409</ref><ref name=":0">{{Cite web |last=Embree |first=Alice |date=2023-01-15 |title=Remembering Casey Hayden {{!}} in her own words |url=https://www.theragblog.com/remembering-casey-hayden-in-her-own-words/ |access-date=2023-02-01 |website=The Rag Blog |language=en-US}}</ref> In 1981, Hayden was back in Atlanta working for the voter-education, voter-registration [[Southern Regional Council]]. Later, she worked in the mayoral administration of [[Martin Luther King Jr.]]'s former lieutenant, [[Andrew Young]], as an administrative aide in the Department of Parks, Recreation and Culture.<ref>Houck and Dixon (2009). p. 136</ref>
In 1994 she married her partner Paul Buckwalter (1934–2016), with whom, in Tucson Arizona, she had care of seven stepchildren. A veteran of the [[Poor People's Campaign|1968 Poor People's March on Washington]] and of community organizing with the [[Industrial Areas Foundation]], Buckwalter was an Episcopalian priest and a leader in the [[Sanctuary movement]].<ref>"Paul Buckwalter passed away February 15, 2016." ''Dunbar Spring Neighborhood''. http://dunbarspring.org/current-news/paul-buckwalter-passed-away-february-15-2016</ref><ref>"Obituary: Paul Buckwalter." Arizona Daily Star. February 21, 2016. https://www.legacy.com/obituaries/tucson/obituary.aspx?n=paul-w-buckwalter&pid=177792982&fhid=8278</ref> In 2010 Hayden spoke out against [[Arizona SB 1070]], a state measure that criminalizes the movement by outlawing the shelter and transport
Hayden died in Arizona on January 4, 2023, at the age of 85.<ref>{{cite news |last1=Genzlinger |first1=Neil |date=13 January 2023 |title=Casey Hayden, a Force for Civil Rights and Feminism, Dies at 85 |work=The New York Times |url=https://www.nytimes.com/2023/01/13/us/casey-hayden-dead.html |access-date=14 January 2023}} {{subscription required}}</ref> She was survived by her son Donald Campbell Boyce IV of Tucson, her daughter Rosemary Lotus Boyce of Los Angeles, and her sister, Karen Beams Hanys of Porter, Texas.<ref name=":0" />
== Papers ==
Casey Hayden's civil-rights era papers are curated by the [[Dolph Briscoe Center for American History]] at the [[University of Texas at Austin]].<ref>{{Cite web |title=In Memoriam: Casey Hayden Cason, 1937–2023 |url=https://briscoecenter.org/about/news/in-memoriam-casey-hayden-cason-1937-2023/ |access-date=2024-05-24 |website=Dolph Briscoe Center for American History |language=en-US}}</ref>
== References ==
{{Reflist}}
{{Feminism}}
{{Authority control}}
{{DEFAULTSORT:Hayden, Casey}}
[[Category:1937 births]]
[[Category:2023 deaths]]
[[Category:Activists from Austin, Texas]]
[[Category:American civil rights activists]]
[[Category:University of Texas at Austin College of Liberal Arts alumni]]
[[Category:Members of Students for a Democratic Society]]
[[Category:American political activists]]
[[Category:Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee]]
[[Category:Freedom Riders]]
[[Category:American feminists]]
[[Category:
[[Category:20th-century American women]]
[[Category:21st-century American women]]
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