Caste

Caste systems are traditional, hereditary systems of social stratification, enforced by law or common practice, based on classifications such as occupation, race, ethnicity, etc.

Etymology of the English word caste

The word caste is derived from the Roman word casta (seen in Portuguese, Spanish, and Italian), which (in addition to representing the same concept as English caste) can mean "lineage" or "race". It comes from Romance casto, which can mean "pure" or "chaste" [the word chaste itself is ultimately cognate]. Casto is derived from Latin castus, which also meant "pure" or "chaste".

Definitions

Caste as a religious concept is recognized by Oxford Dictionary as "each of the hereditary classes of Hindu society, distinguished by relative degrees of ritual purity or pollution and of social status." and as " any exclusive social class."[1] Anthropologists use the term more generally, to refer to a social group that is endogamous and occupationally specialized; such groups are common in highly stratified societies with a very low degree of social mobility. In its broadest sense, examples of caste-based societies include colonial Latin America under Spanish and Portuguese rule (see Casta), apart from India prior to 1947.

Castes in Africa

Main article: Caste system in Africa

Countries in Africa who have societies with caste systems within their borders include Mali, Mauritania, Senegal, Gambia, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Ivory Coast, Niger, Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Ghana, Liberia, Sierra Leone, Algeria, Nigeria, Chad, Ethiopia and Somalia.

The Osu caste system in Nigeria and southern Cameroon are derived from indegenous religious beliefs and discriminate against the "Osus" people as "owned by deities" and outcastes.

Caste systems in Somalia mandate non-Arab descended "outcastes" such as Midgan-Madhiban, Yibir, Tumal and other groups deemed to be impure and are ostracized from society. Similarly, the Mande societies in Senegal, Gambia, Guinea, Sierra leone, Liberia, Ivory Coast and Ghana have caste systems that divide society by occupation and ethnic ties.The Mande caste system regards the "Jonow" slave castes as inferior. Similarly, the Wolof caste system in Senegal is divided into three main groups, the Geer (freeborn/nobles), jaam (slaves and slave descendents) and the outcasted neeno (people of caste).

Other caste systems in Africa include the Borana caste system of NE Kenya with the Watta as the lowest caste, the "Ubuhake" castes in Rwanda and Burundi, and the "Hutu" undercastes in Rwanda who committed genocide on the "Tutsi" overlords in the now infamous Rwandan Genocide.

Balinese caste system

Main article: Balinese caste system

The Balinese caste system resembles the Indian system with a fourfold division of society. Shudras make up 97% of the society.

Castes in India

Main articles: Indian caste system, Reservations in India, Caste system among South Asian Muslims, and Caste system among Indian Christians

The original meaning of caste, which was also known as varna, was determined by one's spiritual qualities and occupation according to the Vedas. Over time, the caste system became a traditional, hereditary system of social stratification. Broadly speaking, the varnas divide to Brahmins (religious caste), Kshatriya (warrior caste), Vaisya (trader caste), and Shudra (worker caste). The people who fell outside the caste system included the Dalits, adivasis and foreigners.

The traditional hereditary system of social stratification of India, in which all social classes exist in thousands of endogamous groups is termed jāti. The jati system, usually with politically and economically derived hierarchies, has been followed across the Indian subcontinent with regional variations across India, Pakistan, Bangladesh and Nepal. Different religious denominations have traditionally followed different kinds of jati stratification. While the prevalence of the jati system has declined significantly over the course of the twentieth century, remote and rural areas of the subcontinent continue to subscribe to jati and jati segregation.Contrary to popular belief, historically there was a great deal of mobility and intermingling between Indian castes, other than Brahmins, largely based on economic or political status of the concerned group.

The Brahmins were enjoined by their scriptures and texts, including the Manusmriti, to live in poverty and to shun possessions and temporal power and instead devote themselves to study and teaching of scriptures and other knowledge, pure conduct and spiritual growth. In fact, they usually subsisted on alms from the rest of the society, including the so called backward caste of "Shudras". This is an important point in understanding the difference between caste and class.

Caste became an important element of Indian politics after the British used the construct as the basis of classifying the Indian population, especially the Hindus, in the population censuses of late 19th Century. This became more specific in the 1901 Census, because the Indian population, not being aware of what the Brahmins thought of them, by and large did not understand what was meant by "caste" and gave their occupation, religion, education etc as their "caste" .

Caste system among Hindus

The Indian caste system, prevalent also among local Muslims and Christians, exhibits some differences from those of other countries. Within India,the caste system forms a continuum that defies such ready definition. While many lower-caste people live in conditions of great poverty and social disadvantage, many upper-caste Brahmins too are poor and now disadvantaged politically. Efforts by the Indian government to emancipate the lower castes with affirmative action like reservations in education, jobs and promotions have achieved measurable success, and Casteism has all but disappeared in the public sphere in the urban classes. Casteism does remain in the private sphere and in the rural areas where education is limited and people still cling to the old ways.

The Caste system has been heavily criticized, both in India and abroad, for its discriminatory policies. Often, anti-Hindus elements have exploited it to spread prejudices against Hindus, and tried to deny Hindus the right to practice their religion.However, criticism of Casteism has come from within the Hindu fold as well. Both historical and contemporary. Historical reform movements in Hindu society include those propagated by the many bhakti period saints such as Kabir, Dnyaneshwar, Eknath, Ramananda, Ramanuja and Tukaram rejected all caste-based discrimination and accepted disciples from all the castes. Many Hindu reformers such as Swami Vivekananda and Sathya Sai Baba believe that there is no place for the caste system in Hinduism.The 15th century saint Ramananda also accepted all castes, including untouchables, into his fold. Most of these saints subscribed to the Bhakti movements in Hinduism during the medieval period that rejected casteism.Nandanar, a low-caste Hindu cleric, also rejected casteism and accepted Dalits.

Some other movements in Hinduism have also welcomed lower-castes into their fold, the earliest being the Bhakti movements of the medieval period. Early Dalit politics involved many Hindu reform movements which arose primarily as a reaction to the advent of Christian Missionaries in India and their attempts to mass-convert Dalits to Christianity under the allure of escaping the caste system (however, the Caste system among Indian Christians remained in full force even after conversions).

In the 19th Century, the Brahmo Samaj under Raja Ram Mohan Roy, actively campaigned against untouchability and Casteism. The Arya Samaj founded by Swami Dayanand also renounced discrimination against Dalits.Sri Ramakrishna Paramahamsa founded the Ramakrishna Mission that participated in the emancipation of Dalits. Upper caste Hindus, such as Mannathu Padmanabhan also participated in movements to abolish Untouchability against Dalits. Other reformers included Mahatma Jyotirao Phule and Iyothee Thass, and, of course, Mahatma Gandhi and B. R. Ambedkar.India's first Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, based on his own relationship with Dalit reformer Ambedkar, also spread information about the dire need to eradicate untouchability for the benefit of the Dalit community.

A prominent example of personalities exploiting the Caste system to spread prejudices against Hindus was Periyar Ramasami, a Tamil rationalist, who claimed to fight against the caste practice of Brahmins but was regarded as Anti-Hindu.Ambedkar was also regarded as an Anti-Hindu by some of the more orthodox elements of society but his supporters argue that he was not against Hindus per se, but against the orthodoxy of the Hindu Caste system (as evidenced by his not singling out Hindus for criticism but attacking the Caste system among South Asian Muslims as well).

Many Hindus point out that the caste system is related to the Indian society, and not Hinduism (as is evident by presence of caste among Indian Christians and Muslims). Hindu Nationalist organizations such as the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh have actively criticized the caste system.

Some activists consider that the caste system is a form of racial discrimination..This allegation has been rejected by many sociologists such as Andre Béteille, who writes that treating caste as a form of racism is "politically mischevious" and worse, "scientifically nonsense" since there is no discernable difference in the racial characteristics between Brahmins and Scheduled Castes. He writes that "Every social group cannot be regarded as a race simply because we want to protect it against prejudice and discrimination".

The Indian government denies the claims of equivalency between Caste and Racial discrimination, pointing out that the caste issues as essentially intra-racial and intra-cultural.The view of the caste system as "static and unchanging" has been disputed. Sociologists describe how the perception of the caste system as a static and textual stratification has given way to the perception of the caste system as a more processual, emprical and contextual stratification. Others have applied theoretical models to explain mobility and flexibility in the caste system in India.. According to these scholars, groups of lower-caste individuals could seek to elevate the status of their caste by attempting to emulate the practices of higher castes.

Sociologist M. N. Srinivas has also debated the question of rigidity in Caste. For details see sanskritization.

Caste system among Indian Muslims

Main article: Caste system among South Asian Muslims

There is also several caste systems among some Muslims in India. They are broadly divided into two castes, Ashraf and Ajlaf, or oonchi zaat (high caste) and niichi zaat (low caste). The Muslim Caste system in India was analyzed by Ambedkar, who had a very dim view of the rampant discrimination of the Ajlaf castes by the Ashraf castes.In addition to the Ashraf and Ajlaf castes, there exist the Arzal under-caste or the Dalit Muslims who are regarded by the Ashraf and the Ajlaf as ritually impure and are relegated to professions regarded as "menial" such as scavenging and the carrying of night soil.

In addition, Muslims in Bengal organize their society according to social strata called "Quoms", where division of labor is granted by birth, rather than by economic status. Professions perceived as "lowly" are provided to people of certain ostracized Quoms and higher Quoms get professions perceived as superior. The Quoms are rigidly segregated with little or no intermarriage or cohabitation.

Caste system among Indian Christians

Main article: Caste system among Indian Christians

Converts to Christianity have retained the old caste practices. In particular, Dalit Christians are regarded as an undercaste by upper-caste Christian clergy and nuns and are discriminated against in society.

Modern status of the caste system

The Indian caste system is gradually relaxing, especially in metropolitan and other major urban areas, due to higher penetration of high education, co-existence of all communities and lesser knowledge about caste system due to alienation with rural roots of people. But in the countryside and small towns, this system is still very rigid. However, the total elimination of caste system seems distant, if ever possible, due to caste politics.

The Government of India has officially documented castes and subcastes, primarily to determine those deserving reservation (positive discrimination in education and jobs) through the census. The Indian reservation system relies entirely on quotas. The Government lists consist of Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and Other Backward Classes:

Scheduled castes (SC)

Scheduled castes generally consist of former "untouchables" (the term "Dalit" is now preferred). Present population is 16% of total population of India i.e. around 160 million. For example, the Delhi state has 49 castes listed as SC.

Scheduled tribes (ST)

Scheduled tribes generally consist of tribal groups. Present population is 7% of total population of India i.e. around 70 million.

Other Backward Classes (OBC)

The Mandal Commission covered more than 3000 castes under OBC Category and stated that OBCs form around 52% of the Indian population. However, the National Sample Survey puts the figure at 32%.. There is substantial debate over the exact number of OBCs in India. It is generally estimated to be sizable, but many believe that it is lower than the figures quoted by either the Mandal Commission and the National Sample Survey

The caste-based reservations in India have led to wide-spread protests, with many complaining of reverse discrimination against the forward castes.

Though inter-caste marriages are quite common in India now-a-days, many Indians consider caste a major criteria for matrimonial choices. Almost all Indian matrimonial websites and matrimonial columns in Indian newspapers contain caste-based categories.

Caste politics

Main article: Caste politics in India

Mahatma Gandhi, B. R. Ambedkar and Jawaharlal Nehru had radically different approaches to caste esp. over constitutional politics and the status of "untouchables". Till the mid-1970s, the politics of independent India was largely dominated by economic issues and questions of corruption. But since 1980s, caste has emerged as a major issue in the Politics of India.

The Mandal Commission was established in 1979 to "identify the socially or educationally backward", and to consider the question of seat reservations and quotas for people to redress caste discrimination. In 1980, the commission's report affirmed the affirmative action practice under Indian law whereby members of lower castes were given exclusive access to a certain portion of government jobs and slots in public universities. When V. P. Singh Government tried to implement the recommendations of Mandal Commission in 1989, massive protests were held in the country. Many alleged that the politicians were trying to cash on caste-based reservations for purely pragmatic electoral purposes.

Many political parties in India have openly indulged in caste-based votebank politics. Parties such as Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), the Samajwadi Party and the Janata Dal claim that they are representing the backward castes, and rely primarily on OBC support, often in alliance with Dalit and Muslim support to win the elections.

Castes in Japan

Main article: Burakumin

Burakumin (部落民: buraku, community or hamlet + min, people), or hisabetsu buraku (被差別部落 "discriminated communities / discriminated hamlets") are a Japanese social minority group. The burakumin are one of the main minority groups in Japan, along with the Ainu of Hokkaidō and residents of Korean and Chinese descent.

Japan has historically subscribed to a feudal caste system. While modern law has officially abolished the caste hierarchy, there are reports of discrimination against the Buraku or Burakumin undercastes, historically referred to by the insulting term "Eta".[2] Studies comparing the caste systems in India and Japan have been performed, with similar discriminations against the Burakumin as the Dalits. The Burakumin are regarded as "ostracized".

Discrimination against the Burakumin

While nearly all Japanese Buddhist sects have discriminated against the burakumin, the case of the Jōdo Shinshu Honganji Sect is a particularly notable one. The imperial state also forced all people to belong to a specific Buddhist temple according to the formula:

"the imperial family is in Tendai, the peerage is in Shingon, the nobility is in Jōdo (Honen's followers), the Samurai is in Zen, the beggar is in Nichiren, and Shin Buddhists (Shinran's followers) are at the bottom." (Kasahara 1996)

In consequence the Honganji, which under Rennyo's leadership had defiantly accepted the derogatory label of 'the dirty sect' (see Rennyo's letters known as the Ofumi / Gobunsho) now began to discriminate against its own burakumin members as it jostled for political and social status.

The fact of religious discrimination against the burakumin was commonly denied until the late twentieth century. For example, in 1979 the Director-General of the Soto Sect of Buddhism made a speech at the "3rd World Conference on Religion and Peace" claiming that there was no longer any discrimination against burakumin in Japan.[3]

Finally in 1969 the Honganji began to recognise its mistreatment of burakumin and appears to be beginning to address the problem.[4]

Burakumin rights movement

As early as 1922, leaders of the hisabetsu buraku organized a movement, the "Levelers Association of Japan" (Suiheisha), to advance their rights. The Declaration of the Suiheisha encouraged the Burakumin to unite in resistance to discrimination, and sought to frame a positive identity for the victims of discrimination, insisting that the time had come to be "proud of being eta.The Levelers Association remained active until the late 1930s.

After World War II, the National Committee for Burakumin Liberation was founded, changing its name to the Buraku Liberation League (Buraku Kaihou Doumei) in the 1950s. The league, with the support of the socialist and communist parties, pressured the government into making important concessions in the late 1960s and 1970s. One concession was the passing of the Special Measures Law for Assimilation Projects, which provided financial aid for the discriminated communities.

Even into the early 1990s, however, discussion of the 'liberation' of these discriminated communities, or even their existence, was taboo in public discussion. In the 1960s, the Sayama incident (狭山事件), which involved a murder conviction of a member of the discriminated communities based on circumstantial evidence, focused public attention on the problems of the group. In the 1980s, some educators and local governments, particularly in areas with relatively large hisabetsu buraku populations, began special education programs, which they hoped would encourage greater educational and economic success for young members of the group and decrease the discrimination they faced.

Branches of burakumin rights groups exist today in all parts of Japan except for Hokkaidō and Okinawa.

"Human Rights Promotion Centers" (人権啓発センター) have been set up across the country by prefectural governments and local authorities; these, in addition to promoting burakumin rights, campaign on behalf of a wide range of groups such as women, the disabled, ethnic minorities, foreign residents and released prisoners. (The term "human rights" (人権 jinken) usually has a different meaning in Japan as it does in the English speaking world. Where in English the term is most often used in reference to protecting people against violations by, for example, the criminal justice system or an oppressive regime, in Japan it is most often used in reference to equality and discrimination issues.)

The Buraku Liberation League is considered one of the most militant among burakumin's rights groups. Their legality is still disputed, but to this date the authorities have mostly turned a blind eye to them except in the more extreme cases.

The other major buraku activist group is the All Japan Federation of Buraku Liberation Movements (全国部落解放運動連合会 zenkoku buraku kaihō undō rengōkai, or Zenkairen), affiliated to the Japanese Communist Party(JCP), formed by ex-BLL activists.

Castes in Korea

Main article: Baekjeong

The baekjeong (백정) were an “untouchable” outcaste group of Korea, often compared with the burakumin of Japan and the dalits of India and Nepal.The term baekjeong itself means “common people”. In the early part of the Goryeo period (918 - 1392), the outcaste groups were largely settled in fixed communities. However the Mongol invasion left Korea in disarray and anomie, and these groups began to become nomadic.Other subgroups of the baekjeong are the chaein and the hwachae.

History

Before the Mongol invasions in mid-13th century the outcastes in Korea, called the kolisuchae, were divided very lightly into two camps; the hwachae or suchae, who hunted and butchered, and were seen as crude; and the chaein, who were principally actors, entertainers, minstrels, prostitutes, and so on, and were sometimes described as “frivolous”. Near the end of the Goryeo era the term hwachae-suchae replaced kolisuchae to refer to the outcastes, before the groups were divided into separate classes altogether, the hwachae and the chaein, who were then seen as distinct groups. Initial attempts by King Sejong to assimilate the outcastes of Korea were a failure, and they were forced to live in ghettos outside mainstream habitations

Discrimination and emancipation attempts

Throughout the history of the Choson empire, the baekjeong were forced into specific professions like basket weaving and performing executions. They were also considered in moral violation of Buddhist principles, which lead Koreans to see work involving meat as polluting and sinful, even if they saw the consumption as acceptable. The group had long suffered severe social discrimination in Korean society. The baekjeong were seen as a contemptible and polluted people that others feared and avoided meeting. By the end of the Choson dynasty, legal reforms were underway to emancipate the status of the baekjeong.However, this legal equality did not equate to social equality. Many remain segregated from larger society, and conditions have worsened in some respects.

Towards the end of the 19th century, there was an increasing impetus on human dignity and liberalization. Of particular importance was the growth of certain religions supportive of change. However, the baekjeong had benefited much less from these changes than other groups, such as the slaves. The other major religious influence on human rights came through Christianity. Some missionaries had success converting baekjeong to Christianity, emphasizing that everyone has equal rights under God. However, everyone was not equal under the Christian congregation, and protests erupted when missionaries attempted to integrate them into worship services, with non-baekjeong finding such an attempt insensitive to traditional notions of hierarchical advantage.

Beginning in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, the baekjeong began to resist the open social discrimination that existed against them.The Hyŏngp'yŏngsa was launched in Chinju on 23 April 1923 through the alliance of wealthy or educated baekjeong and non-baekjeong proponents of change, advocating for “the abolition of classes and of contemptuous appellations, the enlightenment of members, and the promotion of mutual friendship among members.” It advocated both for individual civil rights as well as communal fellowship. Thus, the Hyŏngp'yŏngsa pursued both an equality of human rights and the right to assimilate into the broader public, even as it worked to forge a common identity.They focused on social and economic injustices affecting the baekjeong, hoping to create an egalitarian Korean society. Their efforts included attacking social discrimination by the upper class, authorities, and “commoners” and the use of degrading language against children in public schools. In 1927 a number of members of the Hyŏngp'yŏngsa were arrested for their involvement in the creation of an underground nationalist organization.

The growing power of the radical wing divided the movement, and much of the economic support provided by wealthier baekjeong was pulled, particularly under the strain of the Great Depression, which had negatively impacted the meat and leather trades. The young socialists in the Hyŏngp'yŏngsa forged connections with other movements, attempting to broaden the movement and work towards “the reconstitution of Korea as a whole.”

At the 1931 national conference, they stirred controversy within the movement by introducing a dissolution proposal, feeling that the organization had abandoned its original aims in favor of those of the bourgeois intellectuals directing it. It was their belief that dissolution would better serve their interests as it was replaced by trade unions. The dissolution proposal failed, but not without further alienating more conservative members of the movement, who would already financially strapped from broader economic conditions in Korea.

Castes in Latin America

Main article: Casta

Many Latin American countries have caste systems based on classification by race and race mixture. An entire nomenclature developed, including the familiar terms "mulato", "mestizo", and "zambo" (whence "sambo"). The caste system was imposed during colonial rule by the Spanish who had practiced a form of caste system in Spain prior to the expulsion of the Jews and Moslems. While many Latin American countries have long since rendered the system officially illegal through legislation, usually at the time of independence from Spain, prejudice based on degrees of perceived racial distance from Spanish ancestry combined with one's socioeconomic status remain, an echo of the colonial caste system. [5][6]

Nepalese caste system

Main article: Nepalese caste system

The Nepalese caste system resembles that of the Indian Jāti system with numerous Jāti divisions with a Varna system superimposed.

Caste system in Pakistan

Main article: Caste system among South Asian Muslims

The same caste system practiced by Indian Muslims is practiced in Pakistan, with divisions into tribes such as the Pushtun, Pathan, as well as divisions by religious denomination such as Ahmadiyya, Mojahir etc.

The social stratification among Muslims in the "Swat" area of North Pakistan has been meaningfully compared to the Caste system in India. The society is rigidly divided into subgroups where each Quom is assigned a profession. Different Quoms are not permitted to intermarry or live in the same community. These Muslims practice a ritual-based system of social stratification. The Quoms who deal with human emissions are ranked the lowest.

The Caste system in Pakistan creates sectarian divides and strong issues along similar lines to those divides seen in India. Lower castes are often severely persecuted by the upper castes. Lower castes are denied privileges in many communities and violence is committed against them. A particularly infamous example of such incidents is that of Mukhtaran Mai in Pakistan, a low caste woman who was gang raped by upper caste men[7]. In addition, educated Pakistani women from the lower castes are often persecuted by the higher castes for attempting to break the shackles of the restrictive system (that traditionally denied education to the lower castes, particularly the women). A recent example of this is the case of Ghazala Shaheen, a low caste Muslim woman in Pakistan who, in addition to getting a higher education, had an uncle who eloped with a woman of a high caste family. She was accosted and gang-raped by the upper-caste family. The chances of any legal action are low due to the Pakistani Government's inability to repeal the Hudood ordinance against women in Pakistan, though, in 2006, Pakistan president Pervez Musharraf proposed laws against Hudood making rape a punishable offense , which were ratified by the Pakistani senate. The law is meeting considerable opposition from the Islamist parties in Pakistan, who insist that amending the laws to make them more civilized towards women is against the mandate of Islamic religious law .

Sri Lankan caste system

Main article: Caste in Sri Lanka

Buddhists

The Rodi or Rodiya[8] are the most ill-treated caste of Sri Lanka. They exist among the Sinhalese community.

Hindus

The Sri Lankan system resembles the South Indian Jāti system with numerous Jāti divisions without a Varna system superimposition. Further, Lankan Tamils see themselves greater than Indian Tamils.

Castes in Yemen

In Yemen there exists a caste like system that keeps Al-Akhdam social group as the perennial manual workers for the society through practices that mirror untouchability. Al-Akhdam (literally "servants" with Khadem as plural) is the lowest rung in the Yemeni caste system and by far the poorest. According to official estimates in Yemen, the total number of Khadem countywide is in the neighbourhood of 500,000, some 100,000 of which live in the outskirts of the capital Sana’a. The remainder are dispersed mainly in and around the cities of Aden, Taiz, Lahj, Abyan, Hodeidah and Mukalla.

Origins

The Khadem are not members of the three tribes (Bedouin, Berber, and Rif) that comprise mainstream Arab society.They are believed to be of Ethiopian ancestry. Some sociologists theorize that the Khadem are descendants of Ethiopian soldiers who had occupied Yemen in the 5th century but were driven out in the 6th century. According to this theory the al-Akhdham are descended from the soldiers who stayed behind and were forced into menial labor as a punitive measure.

Discrimination

The Khadem live in small shanty towns and are marginalized and shunned by mainstream society in Yemen. The Khadem slums exist mostly in big cities, including the capital, Sana’a. Their segregated communities have poor housing conditions. As a result of their low position in society, very few children in the Khadem community are enrolled in school and often have little choice but to beg for money and intoxicate themselves with crushed glass. A traditional Arabic saying in the region goes: “Clean your plate if it is touched by a dog, but break it if it’s touched by a Khadem" . Though conditions have improved somewhat over the past few years, the Khadem are still stereotyped by mainstream Yemenese society, considering them lowly, dirty,ill-mannered and immoral.

Many NGO's and charitable organizations from other countries such as CARE International are working towards their emancipation. The Yemenese government denies that there is any discrimination against the Khadem.

See also

• Social stratification
• Feudal society
• Class society
• Reservations in India
• Forward Castes
• Backward-caste Hindu Saints
• Backward-caste Hindu Warriors
• Varna

References

• Spectres of Agrarian Territory by David Ludden December 11, 2001
• Early Evidence for Caste in South India, p. 467-492 in Dimensions of Social Life: Essays in honor of David G. Mandelbaum, Edited by Paul Hockings and Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin, New York, Amsterdam, 1987.

External links

• Anti-Caste Information Page On caste, communalism, and class struggle.
• Caste & the Tamil Nation - Brahmins, Non Brahmins & Dalits
• Caste system in Bali
• Rights Activists and Rights Violations: the Burakumin case in Japan
• Caste, Ethnicity and Nationality:Japan Finds Plenty of Space for Discrimination
• The Burakumin The Complicity of Japanese Buddhism in Oppression and an Opportunity for Liberation
• YEMEN: Akhdam people suffer history of discriminationIRIN News.org
• Caste In Yemen by Marguerite Abadjian (Archive of the Baltimore Sun)
• India Together on Caste
• Rankism: A Social Disorder
• Varna Ashram and Hindu Scriptures (pdf)
• The Caste System in India
• Jati system in India
• Articles on Caste by Koenraad Elst: Caste in India, Buddhism and Caste, Indian tribals and Caste,
• Physical anthropology and Caste, Etymology of Varna
• Is Caste System Intrinsic to Hinduism?
• Caste & the Tamil Nation - Brahmins, Non Brahmins & Dalits
• Hindu Caste System & Hinduism: Vedic vocations (Hindu castes) were not related to heredity (birth)
• ISKCON view of caste and behavior
• These documented Results of 4-Varn system can make you Proud of your Hindu heritage