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The medicalisation of sexuality is the existence and growth of medical authority over sexual experiences and sensations.^[1] The medicalisation of sexuality is contributed to by the pharmaceutical industry, along with psychiatry, psychology (particularly evolutionary psychology), and biomedical sciences more generally.^[1]^[2] It has affected sexology and sexual and reproductive health activism through legislation, funding and lobbying,^[3] and is also historically related to activism for sexual and reproductive rights.

Medicalization is defined as a process of conceptualizing, defining, and treating nonmedical issues as medical problems.^[1] Human sexual activity is affected by many factors, including social norms, sexual identity and gender identity, and relationship structures.^[4] Sexuality is practiced and articulated in feelings, desires, beliefs, behaviors, fantasies, attitudes, practices, and relationships.^[3] Other factors to contributing to human sexuality include substance use affects sexual risk taking, and the proliferation of digital aspects to sexuality, such as internet pornography, cybersex and sexting.^[4] Much research in psychology and psychiatry has been devoted to understanding factors contributing to human sexuality, often playing a gatekeeping or legislative role in stigmatising certain behavior or promoting disease mongering. The medicalisation if sexuality has also been used to advance the pharmaceutical industry through treatments for erectile dysfunction. Another key influence of the medicalisation of sexuality is mass surveillance and regulation related to risk profiling for medicalised sexual disorders.^[2]

While the additional funding from the pharmaceutical industry has been viewed as beneficial to medical research and practice in sexology and human physiology, there exists significant criticism of the medicalisation of sexuality, often on the grounds that it neglects sociocultural factors in favour of a profit motive.^[1] The medicalisation of sexuality has also historically been used to justify stigmatisation and incarceration of gay and lesbian people (generally known at the time as homosexual), intersex people and transgender people.

In some sexuality-related practices such as female genital mutilation, the medicalisation of sexuality is viewed more favourably in feminism as contributing to harm reduction.

Medicalisation

Medicalization describes the processes through which initially nonmedical problems such as social problems or natural processes become defined and understood in medical terms of illness, disorder, and disease, which is coupled with treatments.^[5] Medicalisation involves a combination of specialised language, explanations and treatments which are promoted at the expense of social language and explanations.^[6]

Medicalisation has been attributed with humanising areas of social deviance, such as alcohol intoxication, insanity and rebelliousness previously only subject to cruelty or censorship.^[7] It is believed that the concept of medicalisation began with late 18th century Age of Enlightenment philosophy which was one of the first developments of pathologisation in Western society, including but not limited to sexuality (see #Juana Aguilar).^[7]^[8] The three hallmarks of medicalisation are mind-body dualism, individualism and naturalism.^[9]

Mind-body dualism

Mind-body dualism has been described as viewing "the body as a complex machine, of disease as the consequence of the breakdown of the machine, and of the doctor's task as repair of the machine".^[7] In other words, medicalisation of sexuality views and promotes physical sexual function as an essential component of sexual health.^[7] By comparison, the World Health Organisation defines "sexual health" as more than just the absence of sickness, infirmity, or dysfunction; it also includes sexuality-related physical, mental, emotional, and social well-being. Because of this broad definition of sexual health, it has been argued to include an optimistic attitude towards sexual relationships and sexuality, and human rights issues such as "the capability to have pleasant and safer sexual practices that are free of violence, coercion, and discrimination".^[3]

Individualism

Individualism in medicalisation states that as diseases are in individuals, individual solutions are required for treatment. In one description from 1994, "the body-centered, body-limited medical model has been and remains today the defining paradigm for our professional and philosophical conceptions of health". Individualism is practised extensively in biomedicine and psychiatry, and this has been articulated as an obstacle to activism for sexual rights.^[7]

Naturalism

Naturalism, closely related to evolutionary psychology, posits that human health, and sexuality more specifically, is a "transhistorical product of mammalian evolution" and that this lends significant uniformities across the sexualities of different species.^[7]^[9] Some initial research of sexuality in the 1920s studied animals intentionally to avoid ridicule by discussing human sexuality in public discourse, but most research related to naturalism applied to human sexuality occured in the 1980s.^[7]

Derivative terms

The term biomedicalisation was proposed in 2010 to describe a significant change in medicalisation in the United States focussed on using technology to identify and surveil health risks in individuals and populations.^[5] The term neomedicalization was also proposed independently in 2010 to describe corporate efforts to commercialise health risks for disease as a market for new drugs and technologies that purport to help manage these risks.^[5]^[6] The original authors of the theory argue that this strategy by pharmaceutical companies is reflective of neoliberalism as a political ideology, emphasising individualism and surveillance, especially self-surveillance through the use of marketed products.^[5]^[10]

The term sexuopharmaceuticals has been used to describe the category of medicalised pharmaceutical products for sexual disorders such as Viagra.^[10]^[11] The term sexuomedicine has also been used as an alternative term to refer to the medicalisation of sexuality as a field in itself.^[9]

History

18th and 19th centuries

The tradition of representing illness as a punishment for sin has existed in Western culture since at least the Age of Enlightenment in the 18th century.^[2]^[7] The late 18th century marked the first attempts at artificial insemination of women using syringes, along with newly developed cultural views superseding two-seed theory which undermined the value of female sexual pleasure as it was believed unnecessary in procreation.^[12]

In the 19th century this concept of illness as punishment for sin was later medicalised into associating so-called perverted sexual traits and behaviors, such as masturbation, with increased morbidity. This was described by a symptom called spermatorrhoea invented by William Acton in 1857, at the time used as a medical justification of celibacy.^[2]^[12] Spermatorrhoea was later sub-classified into other symptom clusters based partially on how it affected semen.^[12] Treatment for spermatorrhoea at the time included catheterisation, cauterisation, circumcision, and sticking needles through the perineum into the prostate.^[12] In the 19th and early 20th centuries, the cultural stigma towards researching sexuality which drove its unpopularity among doctors and in publications.^[2] The first recognition the symptoms described in spermatorrhoea as a disorder in itself is believed to be in 1883, termed ejaculatio praecox.^[12]

Other researchers of sexuality in the 19th and early 20th centuries included Havelock Ellis, Edward Carpenter, Marie Stopes and Alfred Kinsey, of which only Ellis had medical qualifications.^[2] In the 1920s and 30s, significant research was done into unsuccessfully finding physical causes of sexual dysfunction.^[7]

20th century

The origin of the modern version of ejaculatio praecox, called premature ejaculation, is thought to of begun with Alfred Adler before major developments of psycohanalytic theory.^[12] Similar to spermatorrhoea, Adler strongly advocated celibacy for women as he thought this would improve sexual satisfaction for women during penetrative sex, a theory later found to be fictitious.^[12]

Through the mid 20th century, Sigmund Freud published widely accepted and virtually unchallenged theories that penetrative sex was the only right way to achieve female orgasm, and that a man's erection was essential to female orgasm. This so-called coital imperative has later been argued as a medically recognised disorder that did not actually serve the satisfaction of women but rather contributed to the pressure on and pathologisation of men in obtaining a so-called optimal time to ejaculation.^[12]

The first major publication articulating a broad medicalisation of sexuality was the first edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-1). Published in 1952, it reframed behaviors previously viewed as immoral, such as masturbation and homosexuality, as treatable; faults of character or morality were instead described as illnesses. Some treatments described in the DSM-1 included commitment to asylums, hormonal treatments, circumcision and castration.^[2]^[13] A cornerstone in the development of psychiatry, the DSM was highly influential and motivated significant eugenic research in a search for naturalistic, biological causes of sexually deviant behaviors, such as the so-called gay gene.^[2] By the 1950s, homosexuality was indisputably classified as a mental disorder in psychiatry.^[14] In the early 20th century, medical folklore held that 90-95% of cases of erectile dysfunction were psychological in origin, but around the 1980s research took the opposite direction of searching for physical causes of sexual dysfunction, much like the 1920s and 30s.^[7] Physical causes as explanations continue to dominate literature when compared with psychological explanations as of 2022^[update].^[12] Treatments in the 80s for erectile dysfunction included penile implants and intracavernosal injections.^[7]

Viagra

In 1998, Viagra was first introduced to the world, and it is fair to say that the world has not been the same since. The impact of this medication has been enormous, not just in the narrow area of treating erectile dysfunction (ED) for which it was approved, but also in the way we think of sex and sexuality, and even in the realm of relationships between men and women.

Abraham Morgentaler, The Viagra Myth^[15]

The use of the biopsychosocial model and 'weak sciences' like social science to explain human behavior lost significant popularity in 1960s and 1970s against 'hard sciences' like biomedicine, which can be attributed to a combination of deregulation and market factors pressuring economic growth in the political climate of the United States at the time.^[1]^[16] Academic consensus is that the main pharmaceutical product contributing to medicalisation of sexuality was sildenafil under the trade name Viagra approved in 1998, the first phosphodiesterase-5 inhibitor (see phosphodiesterase inhibitor) which became an instant bestseller for treating erectile dysfunction and largely replaced selective serotonin reuptake inhibitor (SSRI) treatments for sexual disorders.^[1]^[17] It was reportedly the fastest selling drug in history, outselling the most common pharmaceutical at the time, the SSRI fluexetine sold under the trade name Prozac.^[2]^[15] The economic success of Viagra motivated a number of similar product trials and also prompted research into female sexual pharmacotherapy.

Public funding for sex research was decreasing during the 90s and 2000s when corporate funding shifted the focus from nonmedical sexology and sex therapy research, to clinical trials and emphasising the concept of sexual dysfunction under a simplified epidemiological model.^[1] Viagra and other products for sexual dysfunction, termed sexuopharmaceuticals, proliferated new types of specialised marketing for such products based on neoliberal rhetoric framing viewers as "responsible informed, aspirational sexual subjects".^[10] Viagra and similar prescription pharmaceuticals were promoted by images in media to the extent of becoming a cultural icon, at the time a relatively new phenomenon known to be permitted only in the United States and New Zealand and which is believed to of significantly contributed to norms regarding male sexuality.^[15] One author notes that although the effect of Viagra is only limited to penile blood vessels, advertisements routinely use imagery of couples hugging, smiling and dancing, with the author claiming that pharmaceutical companies were deceptive in the use of such advertisements.^[9]

Criticism of this medicalisation of sexuality existed before the release of Viagra and followed in the 2010s, most vocally about female sexuality.^[7]^[18] A large criticism of the medicalisation of sexuality is that its tendency for biological reductionism generally fails to take into account sociocultural factors contributing to human sexuality.^[1]^[18] Around the time of this criticism, research increased into the topic of female sexual dysfunction (FSD).^[19] One prominent publication in 1999 purported that "female sexual dysfunction is age-related, progressive, and highly prevalent, affecting 30% to 50% of women", believed by a later 2012 publication to be the first complete articulation of FSD as a disorder.^[19]

At this time in the late 90s and early 2000s, psychiatry and sexology were also increasingly playing a role in processes for criminal justice and forensic science.^[19]

In some ways, sexology and sexual physiology research fields benefited due to interest and funding from pharmaceutical companies, as this led to funding for research on psychological assessments for sexual health, and the promotion of evidence-based medicine in research and practice. The medicalisation of sexuality has also made access to sexological healthcare somewhat less stigmatised in developed countries, although this comes alongside social expectations regarding sexual performance, and age-based discrimination due to natural deterioration in sexual function.^[1]^[3] Study results also suggested that men are often reluctant to use SSRIs as treatment for erectile dysfunction also suggests a benefit from having alternative pharmaceutical treatment options.^[1]^[3]

Homosexuality

As 19th century Western culture shifted from religious to secular authority, homosexuality begun to receive increased scrutiny from the law, medicine, and later psychiatry, sexology and human rights activism.^[20] The term homosexuality was first used in a medical context in 1869 by Hungarian doctor Karl Maria Kertbeny, who argued against the harsh laws and punishments against sodomy in the Prussian legal code.^[21] He argued that it was inappropriate to be treated as a crime in his view that homosexuality was congenital (i.e. innate) rather than acquired, and this is considered the first description of homosexuality as a medicalised disorder.^[21] Before the inclusion of homosexuality in the 1952 DSM-1 and later in the 1968 DSM-2 as a mental disorder, homosexuality was first classified as a "psychopathic personality" and "pathological sexuality" in the standard classified nomenclature of disease in 1935.^[14]

One of the most influential 19th century writers on medicalising homosexuality was Richard von Kraft-Ebbing through their 432 page book Psychopathia Sexualis.^[21] Kraft-Ebbing further argued that under the impression that homosexuality and other "sexual abnormalities" were innate, that they should be treated therapeutically rather than punitively. Sigmund Freud however described homosexuality as a natural sexual variation, and considered homoeroticism as part of a "normal" sexual development. In the 1940s, Freud's followers including Edmund Bergler, Irving Bieber, and Charles W. Socarides took another approach, re-establishing homosexuality as a psychiatric disorder with negative caricatures such as "megalomanical, with free floating malice, unreliability and superciliousness".^[21] They viewed homosexuality as a disease and perversion, and insisted that all homosexuals experience a deep sense of related guilt. Following this, a detailed description of homosexuality clearly identifying it as a medical disorder was included in the DSM-2 in 1968, replacing what was only a brief mention.^[21]

Medicalisation of homosexuality and its public visibility reached a peak in the 1950s and 1960s in the United States and to a lesser extent in the United Kingdom, with gay liberation movements in divisive political contest with psychiatrists and others in support of the medicalisation of homosexuality.^[22] Up until the 1970s, psychiatrists who disclosed they were homosexual would become at risk of losing their job and having their medical license revoked.^[14] These protests are historically considered largely in response to studies from Bieber in 1965, and later Socarides in 1972 which asserted the medical status of homosexuality as an abormal disorder. Socarides' research was released under his newly-elected position as chair of the Task Force on Homosexuality appointed by the New York County branch of the American Psychiatric Association (APA).^[14] One of the most influential protests was in 1972 with John E. Fryer, a psychiatrist recently fired due to homosexual stigma, who took the stage unannounced at an APA conference only as "Dr. H. Anonymous", later expanded to "Dr. Henry Anonymous". Fryer appeared on stage wearing a rubber joke-shop face mask – that sometimes was described as a mask of Richard M. Nixon, but which probably was altered from its original state.^[23] Fryer stated, "I am a homosexual. I am a psychiatrist", and then explained issues with the APA's medicalisation of homosexuality.^[14] Homosexuality was removed from the DSM in 1973, a year after Fryer's speech^{[Notes 1]} – leading the now-defunct Philadelphia Bulletin to print the headline "Homosexuals gain instant cure"^[25]^[26] – and Fryer's speech has been cited as a key factor in persuading the psychiatric community to reach this decision.^[27]

Expressions of non-heterosexuality are now broadly considered to be normal variations of human sexuality, although continued discrimination results in worse mental health of this population. This continued high-level correlation between mental health problems and homosexuality continued to motivate medicalisation of homosexuality, such as in the American Counselling Association and Australian Psychological Society c. 2007.^[14]

Criticism

In sexuomedicine, the amount of time devoted to getting the penis hard and the vagina wet vastly outweighs the attention devoted to assessment or education about sexual motives, scripts, pleasure, power, emotionality, sensuality, communication, or connectedness. Research produces more and more knowledge about the kneebone and the anklebone, while people remain stuck with only their popmagazine or commonsense knowlege of the effects on sexuality of psychology, social class, education, cultural pressures, and media. The consequence of this imbalanced research is a perpetually gullible, anxious, and exploitable public, the perfect market for selling magical drugs.

Leonore Tiefer, A New View of Women's Sexual Problems: Why New? Why Now?^[9]

There are a wide range of criticisms of the medicalisation of sexuality. One of the most popular criticisms is that biological reductionism and other tenets of medicalisation, individualism and naturalism, generally fails to take into account sociocultural factors contributing to human sexuality.^[1]^[18] The medicalisation of sexuality has been criticised for being excessively narrow and serving a normative and gatekeeping role in sexual expression.^[28] The naturalistic tenet of the medicalisation of sexuality is argued to be a homogenising force, replacing or demoting the value of diversity in sexual cultures with uniform expectations of genital functioning.^[9] By comparison, after convening critical social scientists and clinicians and presenting the discussion at the Female Sexual Forum conference at Boston University, the author finds that sexual complaints by women are affected by a combination of "emotional, physical and relational factors" rather than just physical functioning.^[9]

In the 2010s, science and technology studies has been used to criticise the effects of medicalising sexuality, claiming that medical authority is unjustified in determining what is a respectable or mature sexuality.^[11] It has also been described as reinforcing masculine and heteromasculine norms including the British concepts of the New Man and lad culture.^[10]

The neoliberalism inherent in the medicalisation of sexuality has faced wide criticism. One author writes, "linking drugs with risk factors and lowering thresholds for 'at-risk' conditions pave the way for pharmaceutical expansion from disease to discomfort".^[10] Sexual disorders like erectile dysfunction have been used as an estimate of general patient health. For example, erectile dysfunction is often the first sign of arteriosclerosis due to restricted blood flow. While this is beneficial in that it improves detection of serious medical conditions, this kind of "penile health gauge" is argued to have a perverse incentive in which increasingly intrusive, and possibly even mandatory surveillance of patients is expected.^[10] Sexologists such as John Bancroft are highly critical of the medicalisation of sexuality.^[7]

Following the release and popularity of Viagra in 1998, a vocal criticism was the lack of equivalent focus on female sexuality.^[1]^[17] Similarly, research in HIV/AIDS has been criticise as a key force of medicalisation in forcing higher levels of patient surveillance.^[29] AIDS historian Sarah Schulman writes that women were routinely excluded from experimental drug trials for HIV.^[30]^: 18–19 Another case study argued that even in large LGBT organisations in the United States with significant resources to conduct HIV/AIDS support such as Bienestar, medical models of sexuality and disease prevalence were routinely used to justify gender discrimination in employment (see gender inequality in the United States), and significantly disproportionate support for programs for gay men at the expense of programs for women.^[31]^: 104

In contrast with this reported lack of pharmaceutical research towards women in the late 90s, a 2002 study argued that medically unnecessary genital modification was disproportionately targeted at women, especially in the United States, and that it reinforced harmful norms about the expectations of women's appearances and bodies. Quoting the authors, "by encouraging women to look like Playboy centrefolds and men to seek priapic perfection, we may be furthering what has been termed the 'tyranny of genital sexuality.'"^[2] One author writes in 2001 that the use of pharmaceuticals for sexual enhancement by men could arguably lead to a "comical infinite regress", since women partnered to such men were reporting complaints of genital irritation which could be reduced only if the women elect to use vaginal lubricants themselves.^[9]

Other sources

Don't have access to this one but seems useful^[32]

Also don't have access to this one probably even more useful^[33]

Specific groups

Elderly

In the 19th and 20th centuries, it was commonly accepted for the elderly to become asexual. Until the 20th century, medical science often conflicted on this message as to whether a sexual life in old age was important, healthy or desirable. With the continued development of sexology and the pharmaceutical industry, this rhetoric shifted as the elderly became a medicalised market for sexual dysfunction products.^[34]

Women

Female sexual disorders have been written about extensively and consistently in sexology, gynecology, psychiatry and psychoanalysis literature since at least the late 18th century.^[19]

^[5]

Black women

Reproductive justice movements in the United States emerged mainly in the 1980s-90s to advocate for sexual and reproductive health and rights. Black women's reproductive rights were especially limited, which saw the development of organisations such as the Native American Women’s Health Education Resource Center in 1988.^[4] Despite these efforts, black women continue to face poor sexual and reproductive health outcomes.^[4]

Homosexuality

^[35]

As of 2020^[update], sexually transmitted infections are studied mostly only in self-identified homosexual populations, and that there is a research bias away from transgender people.^[4]

Intersex people

Yogyakarta Principles^[36]

Case study^[35]

Juana Aguilar

In Guatemala City in 1803, the court of the Royal Protomedicato requested that the doctor Narciso Esparragosa examine Juana Aguilar, called by the court a "suspected hermaphrodite", as part of the legal proceedings against her for double concubinage with men and women. Esparragosa made the argument that the concept of a hermaphrodite as a "monster of nature" was essentially a myth, and used medical and scientific evidence to justify a more humanistic classification. In the process, Esparragosa criticised midwives, 'lay healers' such as surgeons, and philosophers of the past who had deeply rooted cultural understandings (rather than scientific understandings) of medicine. Aguilar's approach in the court trial had the drawback of effectively putting Aguilar and her body on public display and scrutiny to the scientific community of the time.^[8]

Sexuality of transgender people

Will summarise blanchard's theory in summary style... maybe other things to include too.

Results from 33 interviews^[37]

2022 Societies special issue: ^[38]

Virilization

Historical review of viagra - more of this journal proceedings will be useful^[39]

Legality

Yogyakarta Principles - best to start paraphrasing this one^[36]

Tangentially mentions legality, mostly about FSAD^[40]

(De-)medicalisation of trans people^[41]

Examples

Camera sexual voyeurism

discourse case study^[42]

Rapid ejaculation

^[12]

Female genital mutilation

This example will be good to contrast that medicalisation of sexuality-related things is not *always* considered bad/evil/discriminatory.

Detailed review of harm reduction techniques through medicalisation and varying international acceptance of it.^[43]

FGM sometimes justified to enhance male sexual pleasure. complication of sexual dysfunction^[44]

Reduced sexual satisfaction^[45]

References

^ ^a ^b ^c ^d ^e ^f ^g ^h ⁱ ^j ^k ^l Štulhofer, Aleksandar (2015-04-20). "Medicalization of sexuality". The International Encyclopedia of Human Sexuality. pp. 721–817. doi:10.1002/9781118896877.wbiehs297. ISBN 9781405190060.
^ ^a ^b ^c ^d ^e ^f ^g ^h ⁱ ^j Hart, Graham; Wellings, Kaye (2002-04-13). "Sexual behaviour and its medicalisation: in sickness and in health". BMJ. 324 (7342): 896–900. doi:10.1136/bmj.324.7342.896. ISSN 0959-8138. PMC 1122837. PMID 11950742.
^ ^a ^b ^c ^d ^e Goyal, Rajat; Chandran, Deepak; Garg, Kajal; Mohankumar, Pran; Gupta, Sumeet; Gautam, Rupesh K.; Chopra, Hitesh; Dhama, Kuldeep (2022-12-31). "Medicalization of sexuality and sexual health: A perspective review". Journal of Experimental Biology and Agricultural Sciences. 10 (6): 1241–1252. doi:10.18006/2022.10(6).1241.1252. ISSN 2320-8694.
^ ^a ^b ^c ^d ^e "Human Sexuality and Sexual Health: A Western Perspective", Public Health, Oxford University Press, 2022-03-23, doi:10.1093/obo/9780199756797-0212, ISBN 978-0-19-975679-7, retrieved 2023-09-18
^ ^a ^b ^c ^d ^e Polzer, Jessica C.; Knabe, Susan M. (July 2012). "From Desire to Disease: Human Papillomavirus (HPV) and the Medicalization of Nascent Female Sexuality". Journal of Sex Research. 49 (4): 344–352. doi:10.1080/00224499.2011.644598. ISSN 0022-4499. PMID 22720826. S2CID 25748732. Retrieved 2023-12-12 – via EBSCO.
^ ^a ^b Tiefer, Leonore (July 2012). "Medicalizations and Demedicalizations of Sexuality Therapies". Journal of Sex Research. 49 (4): 311–318. doi:10.1080/00224499.2012.678948. ISSN 0022-4499. PMID 22720822. S2CID 43259024. Retrieved 2023-12-12 – via EBSCO.
^ ^a ^b ^c ^d ^e ^f ^g ^h ⁱ ^j ^k ^l ^m Tiefer, Leonore (1996). "The medicalization of sexuality: Conceptual, normative, and professional issues". Annual Review of Sex Research. 7 (1) – via EBSCO.
^ ^a ^b Few, Martha (2007-01-01). ""That Monster of Nature": Gender, Sexuality, and the Medicalization of a "Hermaphrodite" in Late Colonial Guatemala". Ethnohistory. 54 (1): 159–176. doi:10.1215/00141801-2006-042. ISSN 0014-1801. Retrieved 2023-12-12 – via EBSCO.
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^ ^a ^b Camoletto, Raffaella Ferrero; Bertone, Chiara (November 2012). "Italians (should) do it better? Medicalisation and the disempowering of intimacy". Modern Italy. 17 (4): 433–448. doi:10.1080/13532944.2012.706996. hdl:2318/126356. ISSN 1353-2944. S2CID 143064887.
^ ^a ^b ^c ^d ^e ^f ^g ^h ⁱ ^j Grunt-Mejer, Katarzyna (2022-07-03). "The history of the medicalisation of rapid ejaculation—A reflection of the rising importance of female pleasure in a phallocentric world". Psychology & Sexuality. 13 (3): 565–582. doi:10.1080/19419899.2021.1888312. ISSN 1941-9899. S2CID 233924065.
^ Darby, Robert (July 2005). "Pathologizing male sexuality: Lallemand, spermatorrhea, and the rise of circumcision". Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences. 60 (3): 283–319. doi:10.1093/jhmas/jri042. ISSN 0022-5045. PMID 15917258.
^ ^a ^b ^c ^d ^e ^f Anderson, Joel; Holland, Elise (2015-10-06). "The legacy of medicalising 'homosexuality': A discussion on the historical effects of non-heterosexual diagnostic classifications". Sensoria: A Journal of Mind, Brain & Culture. 11 (1). doi:10.7790/sa.v11i1.405. ISSN 2203-8469.
^ ^a ^b ^c Vares, Tiina; Braun, Virginia (July 2006). "Spreading the Word, but What Word is That? Viagra and Male Sexuality in Popular Culture". Sexualities. 9 (3): 315–332. doi:10.1177/1363460706065055. ISSN 1363-4607. S2CID 146569195.
^ Tiefer, L. (2002-07-06). "Sexual behaviour and its medicalisation". BMJ. 325 (7354): 45. doi:10.1136/bmj.325.7354.45. PMC 1123558. PMID 12098735.
^ ^a ^b Pacey, Susan (2008-08-01). "The medicalisation of sex: a barrier to intercourse?". Sexual and Relationship Therapy. 23 (3): 183–187. doi:10.1080/14681990802221092. ISSN 1468-1994. S2CID 144685850.
^ ^a ^b ^c Tiefer, Leonore (May 2010). "Still resisting after all these years: an update on sexuo-medicalization and on the New View Campaign to challenge the medicalization of women's sexuality". Sexual and Relationship Therapy. 25 (2): 189–196. doi:10.1080/14681991003649495. ISSN 1468-1994. S2CID 145389996. Retrieved 2023-12-12 – via EBSCO.
^ ^a ^b ^c ^d Angel, Katherine (October 2012). "Contested psychiatric ontology and feminist critique: 'Female Sexual Dysfunction' and the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual". History of the Human Sciences. 25 (4): 3–24. doi:10.1177/0952695112456949. ISSN 0952-6951. PMC 3549574. PMID 23355764.
^ Drescher, Jack (2015-12-04). "Out of DSM: Depathologizing Homosexuality". Behavioral Sciences. 5 (4): 565–575. doi:10.3390/bs5040565. ISSN 2076-328X. PMC 4695779. PMID 26690228.
^ ^a ^b ^c ^d ^e Conrad, Peter; Angell, Alison (July 2004). "Homosexuality and remedicalization". Society. 41 (5): 32–39. doi:10.1007/bf02688215. ISSN 0147-2011. S2CID 144917465.
^ Bennett, James E.; Brickell, Chris (2018-03-19). "Surveilling the Mind and Body: Medicalising and De-medicalising Homosexuality in 1970s New Zealand". Medical History. 62 (2): 199–216. doi:10.1017/mdh.2018.4. ISSN 0025-7273. PMC 5883162. PMID 29553011.
^ John Fryer papers at the Historical Society of Pennsylvania
^ Thompson, Summer R. (June 7, 2021) "Bridging the LGBTQI Gap in Care: Why Psychiatrists Need To Do More To Treat These At-Risk Communities" Psychiatric Times
^ Lenzer, Jeanna (March 22, 2003) "John Fryer" British Medical Journal
^ DiGiacomo, Robert (2002) "Dr. H. Anonymous; 'Instant cure' recalled; Being gay was an illness 30 years ago" Philadelphia Gay News; reprinted in the AGLP Newsletter (August 2002)
^ Scasta D. L. (2003) "John E. Fryer, MD, and the Dr. H. Anonymous Episode" Journal of Gay & Lesbian Psychotherapy Volume:6 Issue:4 pp.73–84.
^ Cacchioni, Thea; Tiefer, Leonore (July 2012). "Why Medicalization? Introduction to the Special Issue on the Medicalization of Sex". Journal of Sex Research. 49 (4): 307–310. doi:10.1080/00224499.2012.690112. ISSN 0022-4499. PMID 22720821. S2CID 2982292.
^ Tiefer, Leonore (2002-07-06). "Sexual behaviour and its medicalisation". BMJ: British Medical Journal. 325 (7354): 45. doi:10.1136/bmj.325.7354.45. ISSN 0959-8138. PMC 1123558. PMID 12098735.
^ Schulman, Sarah (2012-02-06). The Gentrification of the Mind. University of California Press. doi:10.1525/9780520952331. ISBN 978-0-520-95233-1.
^ Ward, Elizabeth Jane (2008). Respectably queer: diversity culture in LGBT activist organizations. Nashville: Vanderbilt University Press. ISBN 978-0-8265-1606-0.
^ Baldo, Michela (2021-03-24), "Queer feminisms and the translation of sexual health", The Routledge Handbook of Translation and Health, Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge, 2021. | Series: Routledge handbooks in translation and interpreting studies: Routledge, pp. 314–330, doi:10.4324/9781003167983-24, ISBN 978-1-003-16798-3, S2CID 233641483, retrieved 2022-07-20{{citation}}: CS1 maint: location (link)
^ Nothing to fix : medicalisation of sexual orientation and gender identity. Arvind Narrain, Vinay Chandran. New Delhi, India. 2016. ISBN 978-93-5150-917-2. OCLC 945095875.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link) CS1 maint: others (link)
^ Marshall, Barbara L. (July 2012). "Medicalization and the Refashioning of Age-Related Limits on Sexuality". Journal of Sex Research. 49 (4): 337–343. doi:10.1080/00224499.2011.644597. ISSN 0022-4499. PMID 22720825. S2CID 35856961. Retrieved 2023-12-12 – via EBSCO.
^ ^a ^b Kingsbury, Haley; Hegarty, Peter (2022-07-03). "LGB+ and heterosexual-identified people produce similar analogies to intersex but have different opinions about its medicalisation". Psychology & Sexuality. 13 (3): 535–549. doi:10.1080/19419899.2021.1881595. ISSN 1941-9899. S2CID 233810608.
^ ^a ^b Carpenter, Morgan (2021-04-01). "Intersex human rights, sexual orientation, gender identity, sex characteristics and the Yogyakarta Principles plus 10". Culture, Health & Sexuality. 23 (4): 516–532. doi:10.1080/13691058.2020.1781262. ISSN 1369-1058. PMID 32679003. S2CID 220631036.
^ Johnson, Austin H. (2018-11-28). "Rejecting, reframing, and reintroducing: trans people's strategic engagement with the medicalisation of gender dysphoria". Sociology of Health & Illness. 41 (3): 517–532. doi:10.1111/1467-9566.12829. ISSN 0141-9889. PMID 30484870. S2CID 53788550.
^ Giami, Alain (22 December 2022). "Medicalization of Sexuality and Trans Situations: Evolutions and Transformations". Societies. 13 (1): 3. doi:10.3390/soc13010003. ISSN 2075-4698.
^ Camoletto, Raffaella Ferrero (2019-03-21), "Questioning the sexy oldie: Masculinity, age and sexuality in the Viagra era", Intersections of Ageing, Gender and Sexualities, Policy Press, pp. 209–222, doi:10.1332/policypress/9781447333029.003.0013, ISBN 9781447333029, S2CID 204357870, retrieved 2022-07-20
^ Stegenga, Jacob (2021-12-02). "Medicalization of Sexual Desire". European Journal of Analytic Philosophy. 17 (2): 5–34. doi:10.31820/ejap.17.3.4. ISSN 1849-0514.
^ Cannoot, Pieter (2019-09-01). "'#WontBeErased': The effects of (de)pathologisation and (de)medicalisation on the legal capacity of trans* persons". International Journal of Law and Psychiatry. 66: 101478. doi:10.1016/j.ijlp.2019.101478. ISSN 0160-2527. PMID 31706402. S2CID 201975564.
^ Vitis, Laura (2021-10-03). "Media representations of camera sexual voyeurism in Singapore: a medicalised, externalised and community problem". Feminist Media Studies. 21 (7): 1158–1175. doi:10.1080/14680777.2020.1810095. ISSN 1468-0777. S2CID 225339090.
^ Leye, Els; Van Eekert, Nina; Shamu, Simukai; Esho, Tammary; Barrett, Hazel; ANSER (2019-11-01). "Debating medicalization of Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting (FGM/C): learning from (policy) experiences across countries". Reproductive Health. 16 (1): 158. doi:10.1186/s12978-019-0817-3. ISSN 1742-4755. PMC 6823951. PMID 31675972.
^ Serour, G.I. (September 2013). "Medicalization of female genital mutilation/cutting". African Journal of Urology. 19 (3): 145–149. doi:10.1016/j.afju.2013.02.004. ISSN 1110-5704.
^ Pearce, Andrew J.; Bewley, Susan (2014-01-01). "Medicalization of female genital mutilation. Harm reduction or unethical?". Obstetrics, Gynaecology & Reproductive Medicine. 24 (1): 29–30. doi:10.1016/j.ogrm.2013.11.003. ISSN 1751-7214.

Cite error: There are <ref group=Notes> tags on this page, but the references will not show without a {{reflist|group=Notes}} template (see the help page).

[:4-1] ^ ^a ^b ^c ^d ^e ^f ^g ^h ⁱ ^j ^k ^l Štulhofer, Aleksandar (2015-04-20). "Medicalization of sexuality". The International Encyclopedia of Human Sexuality. pp. 721–817. doi:10.1002/9781118896877.wbiehs297. ISBN 9781405190060.

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[:5-3] Goyal, Rajat; Chandran, Deepak; Garg, Kajal; Mohankumar, Pran; Gupta, Sumeet; Gautam, Rupesh K.; Chopra, Hitesh; Dhama, Kuldeep (2022-12-31). "Medicalization of sexuality and sexual health: A perspective review". Journal of Experimental Biology and Agricultural Sciences. 10 (6): 1241–1252. doi:10.18006/2022.10(6).1241.1252. ISSN 2320-8694.

[:6-4] "Human Sexuality and Sexual Health: A Western Perspective", Public Health, Oxford University Press, 2022-03-23, doi:10.1093/obo/9780199756797-0212, ISBN 978-0-19-975679-7, retrieved 2023-09-18

[:7-5] Polzer, Jessica C.; Knabe, Susan M. (July 2012). "From Desire to Disease: Human Papillomavirus (HPV) and the Medicalization of Nascent Female Sexuality". Journal of Sex Research. 49 (4): 344–352. doi:10.1080/00224499.2011.644598. ISSN 0022-4499. PMID 22720826. S2CID 25748732. Retrieved 2023-12-12 – via EBSCO.

[:8-6] Tiefer, Leonore (July 2012). "Medicalizations and Demedicalizations of Sexuality Therapies". Journal of Sex Research. 49 (4): 311–318. doi:10.1080/00224499.2012.678948. ISSN 0022-4499. PMID 22720822. S2CID 43259024. Retrieved 2023-12-12 – via EBSCO.

[:9-7] ^ ^a ^b ^c ^d ^e ^f ^g ^h ⁱ ^j ^k ^l ^m Tiefer, Leonore (1996). "The medicalization of sexuality: Conceptual, normative, and professional issues". Annual Review of Sex Research. 7 (1) – via EBSCO.

[:10-8] Few, Martha (2007-01-01). ""That Monster of Nature": Gender, Sexuality, and the Medicalization of a "Hermaphrodite" in Late Colonial Guatemala". Ethnohistory. 54 (1): 159–176. doi:10.1215/00141801-2006-042. ISSN 0014-1801. Retrieved 2023-12-12 – via EBSCO.

[:17-9] ^ ^a ^b ^c ^d ^e ^f ^g ^h Tiefer, Leonore (2001-05-01). "A new view of women's sexual problems: Why new? Why now?". The Journal of Sex Research. 38 (2): 89–96. doi:10.1080/00224490109552075. ISSN 0022-4499. S2CID 144377564.

[:12-10] ^ ^a ^b ^c ^d ^e ^f Gurevich, Maria; Cormier, Nicole; Leedham, Usra; Brown-Bowers, Amy (August 2018). "Sexual dysfunction or sexual discipline? Sexuopharmaceutical use by men as prevention and proficiency". Feminism & Psychology. 28 (3): 309–330. doi:10.1177/0959353517750682. ISSN 0959-3535. S2CID 149254089.

[:13-11] Camoletto, Raffaella Ferrero; Bertone, Chiara (November 2012). "Italians (should) do it better? Medicalisation and the disempowering of intimacy". Modern Italy. 17 (4): 433–448. doi:10.1080/13532944.2012.706996. hdl:2318/126356. ISSN 1353-2944. S2CID 143064887.

[:1-12] ^ ^a ^b ^c ^d ^e ^f ^g ^h ⁱ ^j Grunt-Mejer, Katarzyna (2022-07-03). "The history of the medicalisation of rapid ejaculation—A reflection of the rising importance of female pleasure in a phallocentric world". Psychology & Sexuality. 13 (3): 565–582. doi:10.1080/19419899.2021.1888312. ISSN 1941-9899. S2CID 233924065.

[13] Darby, Robert (July 2005). "Pathologizing male sexuality: Lallemand, spermatorrhea, and the rise of circumcision". Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences. 60 (3): 283–319. doi:10.1093/jhmas/jri042. ISSN 0022-5045. PMID 15917258.

[:20-14] ^ ^a ^b ^c ^d ^e ^f Anderson, Joel; Holland, Elise (2015-10-06). "The legacy of medicalising 'homosexuality': A discussion on the historical effects of non-heterosexual diagnostic classifications". Sensoria: A Journal of Mind, Brain & Culture. 11 (1). doi:10.7790/sa.v11i1.405. ISSN 2203-8469.

[:varesbraun-15] Vares, Tiina; Braun, Virginia (July 2006). "Spreading the Word, but What Word is That? Viagra and Male Sexuality in Popular Culture". Sexualities. 9 (3): 315–332. doi:10.1177/1363460706065055. ISSN 1363-4607. S2CID 146569195.

[16] Tiefer, L. (2002-07-06). "Sexual behaviour and its medicalisation". BMJ. 325 (7354): 45. doi:10.1136/bmj.325.7354.45. PMC 1123558. PMID 12098735.

[:0-17] Pacey, Susan (2008-08-01). "The medicalisation of sex: a barrier to intercourse?". Sexual and Relationship Therapy. 23 (3): 183–187. doi:10.1080/14681990802221092. ISSN 1468-1994. S2CID 144685850.

[:11-18] Tiefer, Leonore (May 2010). "Still resisting after all these years: an update on sexuo-medicalization and on the New View Campaign to challenge the medicalization of women's sexuality". Sexual and Relationship Therapy. 25 (2): 189–196. doi:10.1080/14681991003649495. ISSN 1468-1994. S2CID 145389996. Retrieved 2023-12-12 – via EBSCO.

[:16-19] Angel, Katherine (October 2012). "Contested psychiatric ontology and feminist critique: 'Female Sexual Dysfunction' and the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual". History of the Human Sciences. 25 (4): 3–24. doi:10.1177/0952695112456949. ISSN 0952-6951. PMC 3549574. PMID 23355764.

[20] Drescher, Jack (2015-12-04). "Out of DSM: Depathologizing Homosexuality". Behavioral Sciences. 5 (4): 565–575. doi:10.3390/bs5040565. ISSN 2076-328X. PMC 4695779. PMID 26690228.

[:18-21] Conrad, Peter; Angell, Alison (July 2004). "Homosexuality and remedicalization". Society. 41 (5): 32–39. doi:10.1007/bf02688215. ISSN 0147-2011. S2CID 144917465.

[:19-22] Bennett, James E.; Brickell, Chris (2018-03-19). "Surveilling the Mind and Body: Medicalising and De-medicalising Homosexuality in 1970s New Zealand". Medical History. 62 (2): 199–216. doi:10.1017/mdh.2018.4. ISSN 0025-7273. PMC 5883162. PMID 29553011.

[hsp2-23] John Fryer papers at the Historical Society of Pennsylvania

[24] Thompson, Summer R. (June 7, 2021) "Bridging the LGBTQI Gap in Care: Why Psychiatrists Need To Do More To Treat These At-Risk Communities" Psychiatric Times

[bmj-26] Lenzer, Jeanna (March 22, 2003) "John Fryer" British Medical Journal

[pgn-27] DiGiacomo, Robert (2002) "Dr. H. Anonymous; 'Instant cure' recalled; Being gay was an illness 30 years ago" Philadelphia Gay News; reprinted in the AGLP Newsletter (August 2002)

[scatsa2002-28] Scasta D. L. (2003) "John E. Fryer, MD, and the Dr. H. Anonymous Episode" Journal of Gay & Lesbian Psychotherapy Volume:6 Issue:4 pp.73–84.

[29] Cacchioni, Thea; Tiefer, Leonore (July 2012). "Why Medicalization? Introduction to the Special Issue on the Medicalization of Sex". Journal of Sex Research. 49 (4): 307–310. doi:10.1080/00224499.2012.690112. ISSN 0022-4499. PMID 22720821. S2CID 2982292.

[:14-30] Tiefer, Leonore (2002-07-06). "Sexual behaviour and its medicalisation". BMJ: British Medical Journal. 325 (7354): 45. doi:10.1136/bmj.325.7354.45. ISSN 0959-8138. PMC 1123558. PMID 12098735.

[31] Schulman, Sarah (2012-02-06). The Gentrification of the Mind. University of California Press. doi:10.1525/9780520952331. ISBN 978-0-520-95233-1.

[32] Ward, Elizabeth Jane (2008). Respectably queer: diversity culture in LGBT activist organizations. Nashville: Vanderbilt University Press. ISBN 978-0-8265-1606-0.

[33] Baldo, Michela (2021-03-24), "Queer feminisms and the translation of sexual health", The Routledge Handbook of Translation and Health, Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge, 2021. | Series: Routledge handbooks in translation and interpreting studies: Routledge, pp. 314–330, doi:10.4324/9781003167983-24, ISBN 978-1-003-16798-3, S2CID 233641483, retrieved 2022-07-20{{citation}}: CS1 maint: location (link)

[34] Nothing to fix : medicalisation of sexual orientation and gender identity. Arvind Narrain, Vinay Chandran. New Delhi, India. 2016. ISBN 978-93-5150-917-2. OCLC 945095875.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link) CS1 maint: others (link)

[35] Marshall, Barbara L. (July 2012). "Medicalization and the Refashioning of Age-Related Limits on Sexuality". Journal of Sex Research. 49 (4): 337–343. doi:10.1080/00224499.2011.644597. ISSN 0022-4499. PMID 22720825. S2CID 35856961. Retrieved 2023-12-12 – via EBSCO.

[:2-36] Kingsbury, Haley; Hegarty, Peter (2022-07-03). "LGB+ and heterosexual-identified people produce similar analogies to intersex but have different opinions about its medicalisation". Psychology & Sexuality. 13 (3): 535–549. doi:10.1080/19419899.2021.1881595. ISSN 1941-9899. S2CID 233810608.

[:3-37] Carpenter, Morgan (2021-04-01). "Intersex human rights, sexual orientation, gender identity, sex characteristics and the Yogyakarta Principles plus 10". Culture, Health & Sexuality. 23 (4): 516–532. doi:10.1080/13691058.2020.1781262. ISSN 1369-1058. PMID 32679003. S2CID 220631036.

[38] Johnson, Austin H. (2018-11-28). "Rejecting, reframing, and reintroducing: trans people's strategic engagement with the medicalisation of gender dysphoria". Sociology of Health & Illness. 41 (3): 517–532. doi:10.1111/1467-9566.12829. ISSN 0141-9889. PMID 30484870. S2CID 53788550.

[39] Giami, Alain (22 December 2022). "Medicalization of Sexuality and Trans Situations: Evolutions and Transformations". Societies. 13 (1): 3. doi:10.3390/soc13010003. ISSN 2075-4698.

[40] Camoletto, Raffaella Ferrero (2019-03-21), "Questioning the sexy oldie: Masculinity, age and sexuality in the Viagra era", Intersections of Ageing, Gender and Sexualities, Policy Press, pp. 209–222, doi:10.1332/policypress/9781447333029.003.0013, ISBN 9781447333029, S2CID 204357870, retrieved 2022-07-20

[41] Stegenga, Jacob (2021-12-02). "Medicalization of Sexual Desire". European Journal of Analytic Philosophy. 17 (2): 5–34. doi:10.31820/ejap.17.3.4. ISSN 1849-0514.

[42] Cannoot, Pieter (2019-09-01). "'#WontBeErased': The effects of (de)pathologisation and (de)medicalisation on the legal capacity of trans* persons". International Journal of Law and Psychiatry. 66: 101478. doi:10.1016/j.ijlp.2019.101478. ISSN 0160-2527. PMID 31706402. S2CID 201975564.

[43] Vitis, Laura (2021-10-03). "Media representations of camera sexual voyeurism in Singapore: a medicalised, externalised and community problem". Feminist Media Studies. 21 (7): 1158–1175. doi:10.1080/14680777.2020.1810095. ISSN 1468-0777. S2CID 225339090.

[44] Leye, Els; Van Eekert, Nina; Shamu, Simukai; Esho, Tammary; Barrett, Hazel; ANSER (2019-11-01). "Debating medicalization of Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting (FGM/C): learning from (policy) experiences across countries". Reproductive Health. 16 (1): 158. doi:10.1186/s12978-019-0817-3. ISSN 1742-4755. PMC 6823951. PMID 31675972.

[45] Serour, G.I. (September 2013). "Medicalization of female genital mutilation/cutting". African Journal of Urology. 19 (3): 145–149. doi:10.1016/j.afju.2013.02.004. ISSN 1110-5704.

[46] Pearce, Andrew J.; Bewley, Susan (2014-01-01). "Medicalization of female genital mutilation. Harm reduction or unethical?". Obstetrics, Gynaecology & Reproductive Medicine. 24 (1): 29–30. doi:10.1016/j.ogrm.2013.11.003. ISSN 1751-7214.

[1]

[2]

[3]

[4]

[5]

[6]

[7]

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[9]

[10]

[11]

[12]

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[14]

[15]

[16]

[17]

[18]

[19]

[20]

[21]

[22]

[23]

[Notes 1]

[25]

[26]

[27]

[28]

[29]

[30]

[31]

[32]

[33]

[34]

[35]

[36]

[37]

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@@ Line 7: / Line 7: @@
 [[Medicalization]] is defined as a process of conceptualizing, defining, and treating nonmedical issues as medical problems.<ref name=":4" /> [[Human sexual activity]] is affected by many factors, including [[Social norm|social norms]], [[sexual identity]] and [[gender identity]], and relationship structures.<ref name=":6">{{Citation |title=Human Sexuality and Sexual Health: A Western Perspective |date=2022-03-23 |url=http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/obo/9780199756797-0212 |work=Public Health |access-date=2023-09-18 |publisher=Oxford University Press |doi=10.1093/obo/9780199756797-0212 |isbn=978-0-19-975679-7}}</ref> Sexuality is practiced and articulated in feelings, desires, beliefs, behaviors, fantasies, attitudes, practices, and relationships.<ref name=":5" /> Other factors to contributing to human sexuality include [[substance use]] affects sexual [[risk]] taking, and the proliferation of digital aspects to sexuality, such as [[internet pornography]], [[cybersex]] and [[sexting]].<ref name=":6" /> Much research in psychology and psychiatry has been devoted to understanding factors contributing to human sexuality, often playing a gatekeeping or legislative role in stigmatising certain behavior or promoting [[disease mongering]]. The medicalisation if sexuality has also been used to advance the pharmaceutical industry through treatments for erectile dysfunction. Another key influence of the medicalisation of sexuality is [[mass surveillance]] and regulation related to risk profiling for medicalised sexual disorders.<ref name=":15" />
-While the additional funding from the pharmaceutical industry has been viewed as beneficial to medical research and practice in sexology and human physiology, there exists significant criticism of the medicalisation of sexuality, often on the grounds that it neglects [[Sociocultural perspective|sociocultural]] factors in favour of a profit motive.<ref name=":4" /> Medicalisation of sexuality has also historically been used to justify stigmatisation and incarceration of gay and lesbian people, intersex people and transgender people.
+While the additional funding from the pharmaceutical industry has been viewed as beneficial to medical research and practice in sexology and human physiology, there exists significant criticism of the medicalisation of sexuality, often on the grounds that it neglects [[Sociocultural perspective|sociocultural]] factors in favour of a profit motive.<ref name=":4" /> The medicalisation of sexuality has also historically been used to justify stigmatisation and incarceration of gay and lesbian people (generally known at the time as [[Homosexuality|homosexual]]), intersex people and transgender people.
 In some sexuality-related practices such as [[female genital mutilation]], the medicalisation of sexuality is viewed more favourably in feminism as contributing to [[harm reduction]].
@@ Line 47: / Line 47: @@
 Through the mid 20th century, Sigmund Freud published widely accepted and virtually unchallenged theories that penetrative sex was the only right way to achieve female orgasm, and that a man's erection was essential to female orgasm. This so-called ''coital imperative'' has later been argued as a medically recognised disorder that did not actually serve the satisfaction of women but rather contributed to the pressure on and pathologisation of men in obtaining a so-called optimal time to ejaculation.<ref name=":1" />
-The first major publication articulating a broad medicalisation of sexuality was the  first edition of the [[Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders|''Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders'']] (DSM-1). Published in 1952, it reframed behaviors previously viewed as immoral, such as masturbation and [[homosexuality]], as treatable; faults of character or morality were instead described as illnesses. Some treatments described in the DSM-1 included commitment to asylums, hormonal treatments, [[circumcision]] and [[castration]].<ref name=":15" /><ref>{{Cite journal |last=Darby |first=Robert |date=July 2005 |title=Pathologizing male sexuality: Lallemand, spermatorrhea, and the rise of circumcision |url=https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/15917258/ |journal=Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences |volume=60 |issue=3 |pages=283–319 |doi=10.1093/jhmas/jri042 |issn=0022-5045 |pmid=15917258}}</ref> A cornerstone in the development of psychiatry, the DSM was highly influential and motivated significant [[Eugenics|eugenic]] research in a search for [[naturalistic]], biological causes of sexually deviant behaviors, such as the so-called [[Gay gene|''gay gene'']].<ref name=":15" /> In the early 20th century, medical folklore held that 90-95% of cases of [[erectile dysfunction]] were psychological in origin, but around the 1980s research took the opposite direction of searching for physical causes of sexual dysfunction, much like the 1920s and 30s.<ref name=":9" /> Physical causes as explanations continue to dominate literature when compared with psychological explanations {{As of|2022|lc=y}}.<ref name=":1" /> Treatments in the 80s for erectile dysfunction included [[penile implant]]<nowiki/>s and [[Intracavernous injection|intracavernosal injection]]<nowiki/>s.<ref name=":9" />
+The first major publication articulating a broad medicalisation of sexuality was the  first edition of the [[Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders|''Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders'']] (DSM-1). Published in 1952, it reframed behaviors previously viewed as immoral, such as masturbation and [[homosexuality]], as treatable; faults of character or morality were instead described as illnesses. Some treatments described in the DSM-1 included commitment to asylums, hormonal treatments, [[circumcision]] and [[castration]].<ref name=":15" /><ref>{{Cite journal |last=Darby |first=Robert |date=July 2005 |title=Pathologizing male sexuality: Lallemand, spermatorrhea, and the rise of circumcision |url=https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/15917258/ |journal=Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences |volume=60 |issue=3 |pages=283–319 |doi=10.1093/jhmas/jri042 |issn=0022-5045 |pmid=15917258}}</ref> A cornerstone in the development of psychiatry, the DSM was highly influential and motivated significant [[Eugenics|eugenic]] research in a search for [[naturalistic]], biological causes of sexually deviant behaviors, such as the so-called [[Gay gene|''gay gene'']].<ref name=":15" /> By the 1950s, homosexuality was indisputably classified as a mental disorder in psychiatry.<ref name=":20" /> In the early 20th century, medical folklore held that 90-95% of cases of [[erectile dysfunction]] were psychological in origin, but around the 1980s research took the opposite direction of searching for physical causes of sexual dysfunction, much like the 1920s and 30s.<ref name=":9" /> Physical causes as explanations continue to dominate literature when compared with psychological explanations {{As of|2022|lc=y}}.<ref name=":1" /> Treatments in the 80s for erectile dysfunction included [[penile implant]]<nowiki/>s and [[Intracavernous injection|intracavernosal injection]]<nowiki/>s.<ref name=":9" />
 === Viagra ===
@@ Line 58: / Line 58: @@
 }}
-The use of the [[biopsychosocial model]] and 'weak sciences' like [[social science]] to explain human behavior lost significant popularity in 1960s and 1970s against '[[hard sciences]]' like [[biomedicine]], which can be attributed to a combination of [[deregulation]] and market factors pressuring [[economic growth]] in the political climate of the United States at the time.<ref name=":4" /><ref>{{Cite journal |last=Tiefer |first=L. |date=2002-07-06 |title=Sexual behaviour and its medicalisation |journal=BMJ |volume=325 |issue=7354 |pages=45 |doi=10.1136/bmj.325.7354.45|pmid=12098735 |pmc=1123558 }}</ref> Academic consensus is that the main pharmaceutical product contributing to medicalisation of sexuality was [[sildenafil]] under the [[trade name]] Viagra approved in 1998, the first phosphodiesterase-5 inhibitor (''see [[phosphodiesterase inhibitor]]'') which became an instant bestseller for treating [[erectile dysfunction]] and largely replaced [[selective serotonin reuptake inhibitor]] (SSRI) treatments for sexual disorders.<ref name=":4" /><ref name=":0" /> It was reportedly the fastest selling drug in history, outselling the most common pharmaceutical at the time, the SSRI [[Fluoxetine|fluexetine]] sold under the trade name Prozac.<ref name=":15" /><ref name=":varesbraun">{{Cite journal |last1=Vares |first1=Tiina |last2=Braun |first2=Virginia |date=July 2006 |title=Spreading the Word, but What Word is That? Viagra and Male Sexuality in Popular Culture |url=http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1363460706065055 |journal=Sexualities |volume=9 |issue=3 |pages=315–332 |doi=10.1177/1363460706065055 |s2cid=146569195 |issn=1363-4607}}</ref> The economic success of Viagra motivated a number of similar product trials and also prompted research into female sexual pharmacotherapy. [[File:Viagra_in_Pack.jpg|thumb|A package containing Viagra (sildenafil). At the time of its release in 1998, it was the world's best selling pharmaceutical.]]Public funding for sex research was decreasing during the 90s and 2000s when corporate funding shifted the focus from nonmedical [[sexology]] and [[sex therapy]] research, to clinical trials and emphasising the concept of sexual dysfunction under a simplified [[epidemiological model]].<ref name=":4" /> Viagra and other products for sexual dysfunction, termed ''sexuopharmaceuticals,'' proliferated new types of specialised marketing for such products based on neoliberal rhetoric framing viewers as "responsible informed, aspirational sexual subjects".<ref name=":12" /> Viagra and similar prescription pharmaceuticals were promoted by images in media to the extent of becoming a cultural icon, at the time a relatively new phenomenon known to be permitted only in the United States and [[New Zealand]] and which is believed to of significantly contributed to norms regarding male sexuality.<ref name=":varesbraun" /> One author notes that although the effect of Viagra is only limited to penile blood vessels, advertisements routinely use imagery of couples hugging, smiling and dancing, with the author claiming that pharmaceutical companies are deceptive in the use of such advertisements.<ref name=":17" />
+The use of the [[biopsychosocial model]] and 'weak sciences' like [[social science]] to explain human behavior lost significant popularity in 1960s and 1970s against '[[hard sciences]]' like [[biomedicine]], which can be attributed to a combination of [[deregulation]] and market factors pressuring [[economic growth]] in the political climate of the United States at the time.<ref name=":4" /><ref>{{Cite journal |last=Tiefer |first=L. |date=2002-07-06 |title=Sexual behaviour and its medicalisation |journal=BMJ |volume=325 |issue=7354 |pages=45 |doi=10.1136/bmj.325.7354.45|pmid=12098735 |pmc=1123558 }}</ref> Academic consensus is that the main pharmaceutical product contributing to medicalisation of sexuality was [[sildenafil]] under the [[trade name]] Viagra approved in 1998, the first phosphodiesterase-5 inhibitor (''see [[phosphodiesterase inhibitor]]'') which became an instant bestseller for treating [[erectile dysfunction]] and largely replaced [[selective serotonin reuptake inhibitor]] (SSRI) treatments for sexual disorders.<ref name=":4" /><ref name=":0" /> It was reportedly the fastest selling drug in history, outselling the most common pharmaceutical at the time, the SSRI [[Fluoxetine|fluexetine]] sold under the trade name Prozac.<ref name=":15" /><ref name=":varesbraun">{{Cite journal |last1=Vares |first1=Tiina |last2=Braun |first2=Virginia |date=July 2006 |title=Spreading the Word, but What Word is That? Viagra and Male Sexuality in Popular Culture |url=http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1363460706065055 |journal=Sexualities |volume=9 |issue=3 |pages=315–332 |doi=10.1177/1363460706065055 |s2cid=146569195 |issn=1363-4607}}</ref> The economic success of Viagra motivated a number of similar product trials and also prompted research into female sexual pharmacotherapy. [[File:Viagra_in_Pack.jpg|thumb|A package containing Viagra (sildenafil). At the time of its release in 1998, it was the world's best selling pharmaceutical.]]Public funding for sex research was decreasing during the 90s and 2000s when corporate funding shifted the focus from nonmedical [[sexology]] and [[sex therapy]] research, to clinical trials and emphasising the concept of sexual dysfunction under a simplified [[epidemiological model]].<ref name=":4" /> Viagra and other products for sexual dysfunction, termed ''sexuopharmaceuticals,'' proliferated new types of specialised marketing for such products based on neoliberal rhetoric framing viewers as "responsible informed, aspirational sexual subjects".<ref name=":12" /> Viagra and similar prescription pharmaceuticals were promoted by images in media to the extent of becoming a cultural icon, at the time a relatively new phenomenon known to be permitted only in the United States and [[New Zealand]] and which is believed to of significantly contributed to norms regarding male sexuality.<ref name=":varesbraun" /> One author notes that although the effect of Viagra is only limited to penile blood vessels, advertisements routinely use imagery of couples hugging, smiling and dancing, with the author claiming that pharmaceutical companies were deceptive in the use of such advertisements.<ref name=":17" />
 Criticism of this medicalisation of sexuality existed before the release of Viagra and followed in the 2010s, most vocally about female sexuality.<ref name=":9" /><ref name=":11" /> A large criticism of the medicalisation of sexuality is that its tendency for [[biological reductionism]] generally fails to take into account [[Sociocultural perspective|sociocultural]] factors contributing to [[human sexuality]].<ref name=":4" /><ref name=":11" /> Around the time of this criticism, research increased into the topic of [[Female sexual arousal disorder|female sexual dysfunction]] (FSD).<ref name=":16">{{Cite journal |last=Angel |first=Katherine |date=October 2012 |title=Contested psychiatric ontology and feminist critique: 'Female Sexual Dysfunction' and the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual |journal=History of the Human Sciences |language=en |volume=25 |issue=4 |pages=3–24 |doi=10.1177/0952695112456949 |issn=0952-6951 |pmc=3549574 |pmid=23355764}}</ref> One prominent publication in 1999 purported that "female sexual dysfunction is age-related, progressive, and highly prevalent, affecting 30% to 50% of women", believed by a later 2012 publication to be the first complete articulation of FSD as a disorder.<ref name=":16" />
@@ Line 68: / Line 68: @@
 === Homosexuality ===
 {{Further|Conversion therapy|Homosexuality}}
-As 19th century Western culture shifted from religious to secular authority, homosexuality begun to receive increased scrutiny from the law, medicine, and later psychiatry, sexology and human rights activism.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Drescher |first=Jack |date=2015-12-04 |title=Out of DSM: Depathologizing Homosexuality |journal=Behavioral Sciences |volume=5 |issue=4 |pages=565–575 |doi=10.3390/bs5040565 |pmid=26690228 |pmc=4695779 |issn=2076-328X |doi-access=free }}</ref> The term ''homosexuality'' was first used in a medical context in 1869 by [[Hungary|Hungarian]] doctor [[Karl Maria Kertbeny]], who argued against the harsh laws and punishments against sodomy in the [[Prussia|Prussian]] legal code.<ref name=":18">{{Cite journal |last1=Conrad |first1=Peter |last2=Angell |first2=Alison |date=July 2004 |title=Homosexuality and remedicalization |url=http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02688215 |journal=Society |volume=41 |issue=5 |pages=32–39 |doi=10.1007/bf02688215 |s2cid=144917465 |issn=0147-2011}}</ref> He argued that it was inappropriate to be treated as a crime in his view that homosexuality was [[congenital]] (i.e. innate) rather than acquired, and this is considered the first description of homosexuality as a medicalised disorder.<ref name=":18" />  One of the most influential 19th century writers on medicalising homosexuality was [[Richard von Krafft-Ebing|Richard von Kraft-Ebbing]] through their 432 page book [[Psychopathia Sexualis|''Psychopathia Sexualis'']].<ref name=":18" /> Kraft-Ebbing further argued that under the impression that homosexuality and other "sexual abnormalities" were innate, that they should be treated therapeutically rather than punitively. [[Sigmund Freud]] however described homosexuality as a natural sexual variation, and considered [[homoeroticism]] as part of a "normal" sexual development. In the 1940s, Freud's followers including [[Edmund Bergler]], [[Irving Bieber]], and [[Charles W. Socarides]] took another approach, re-establishing homosexuality as a psychiatric disorder with negative caricatures such as "megalomanical, with free floating malice, unreliability and superciliousness".<ref name=":18" /> They viewed homosexuality as a disease and perversion, and insisted that all homosexuals experience a deep sense of related guilt. Following this, a detailed description of homosexuality clearly identifying it as a medical disorder was included in the DSM-2 in 1968, replacing what was only a brief mention.<ref name=":18" />
+As 19th century Western culture shifted from religious to secular authority, homosexuality begun to receive increased scrutiny from the law, medicine, and later psychiatry, sexology and human rights activism.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Drescher |first=Jack |date=2015-12-04 |title=Out of DSM: Depathologizing Homosexuality |journal=Behavioral Sciences |volume=5 |issue=4 |pages=565–575 |doi=10.3390/bs5040565 |pmid=26690228 |pmc=4695779 |issn=2076-328X |doi-access=free }}</ref> The term ''homosexuality'' was first used in a medical context in 1869 by [[Hungary|Hungarian]] doctor [[Karl Maria Kertbeny]], who argued against the harsh laws and punishments against sodomy in the [[Prussia|Prussian]] legal code.<ref name=":18">{{Cite journal |last1=Conrad |first1=Peter |last2=Angell |first2=Alison |date=July 2004 |title=Homosexuality and remedicalization |url=http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02688215 |journal=Society |volume=41 |issue=5 |pages=32–39 |doi=10.1007/bf02688215 |issn=0147-2011 |s2cid=144917465}}</ref> He argued that it was inappropriate to be treated as a crime in his view that homosexuality was [[congenital]] (i.e. innate) rather than acquired, and this is considered the first description of homosexuality as a medicalised disorder.<ref name=":18" /> Before the inclusion of homosexuality in the 1952 [[DSM-1]] and later in the 1968 DSM-2 as a mental disorder, homosexuality was first classified as a "psychopathic personality" and "pathological sexuality" in the ''standard classified nomenclature of disease'' in 1935.<ref name=":20" />
+One of the most influential 19th century writers on medicalising homosexuality was [[Richard von Krafft-Ebing|Richard von Kraft-Ebbing]] through their 432 page book [[Psychopathia Sexualis|''Psychopathia Sexualis'']].<ref name=":18" /> Kraft-Ebbing further argued that under the impression that homosexuality and other "sexual abnormalities" were innate, that they should be treated therapeutically rather than punitively. [[Sigmund Freud]] however described homosexuality as a natural sexual variation, and considered [[homoeroticism]] as part of a "normal" sexual development. In the 1940s, Freud's followers including [[Edmund Bergler]], [[Irving Bieber]], and [[Charles W. Socarides]] took another approach, re-establishing homosexuality as a psychiatric disorder with negative caricatures such as "megalomanical, with free floating malice, unreliability and superciliousness".<ref name=":18" /> They viewed homosexuality as a disease and perversion, and insisted that all homosexuals experience a deep sense of related guilt. Following this, a detailed description of homosexuality clearly identifying it as a medical disorder was included in the DSM-2 in 1968, replacing what was only a brief mention.<ref name=":18" />
-Medicalisation of homosexuality and its public visibility reached a peak in the 1950s and 1960s in the United States and to a lesser extent in the United Kingdom, with [[gay liberation]] movements in divisive political contest with psychiatrists and others in support of the medicalisation of homosexuality.<ref name=":19" />
+Medicalisation of homosexuality and its public visibility reached a peak in the 1950s and 1960s in the United States and to a lesser extent in the United Kingdom, with [[gay liberation]] movements in divisive political contest with psychiatrists and others in support of the medicalisation of homosexuality.<ref name=":19">{{Cite journal |last1=Bennett |first1=James E. |last2=Brickell |first2=Chris |date=2018-03-19 |title=Surveilling the Mind and Body: Medicalising and De-medicalising Homosexuality in 1970s New Zealand |url=http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mdh.2018.4 |journal=Medical History |volume=62 |issue=2 |pages=199–216 |doi=10.1017/mdh.2018.4 |issn=0025-7273 |pmc=5883162 |pmid=29553011}}</ref> Up until the 1970s, psychiatrists who disclosed they were homosexual would become at risk of losing their job and having their [[medical license]] revoked.<ref name=":20" /> These protests are historically considered largely in response to studies from Bieber in 1965, and later Socarides in 1972 which asserted the medical status of homosexuality as an abormal disorder. Socarides' research was released under his newly-elected position as chair of the Task Force on Homosexuality appointed by the [[New York County]] branch of the [[American Psychiatric Association]] (APA).<ref name=":20" /> One of the most influential protests was in 1972 with [[John E. Fryer]], a psychiatrist recently fired due to homosexual stigma, who took the stage unannounced at an APA conference only as "Dr. H. Anonymous", later expanded to "Dr. Henry Anonymous". Fryer appeared on stage wearing a rubber joke-shop face mask &#x2013; that sometimes was described as a mask of [[Richard M. Nixon]], but which probably was altered from its original state.<ref name="hsp2">[http://www2.hsp.org/collections/manuscripts/f/Fryer3465.html John Fryer papers] at the [[Historical Society of Pennsylvania]]</ref> Fryer stated, "I am a homosexual. I am a psychiatrist", and then explained issues with the APA's medicalisation of homosexuality.<ref name=":20" /> Homosexuality was removed from the DSM in 1973, a year after Fryer's speech{{refn|However, the designation ''homosexuality with sexual orientation disturbance'' remained in the Manual until finally removed in 1987.<ref>Thompson, Summer R. (June 7, 2021) [https://www.psychiatrictimes.com/view/bridging-lgbtqi-gap-care-psychiatrists-need-more-treat-at-risk-communities "Bridging the LGBTQI Gap in Care: Why Psychiatrists Need To Do More To Treat These At-Risk Communities"] ''[[Psychiatric Times]]''</ref>|group=Notes}} &#x2013; leading the now-defunct ''[[Philadelphia Bulletin]]'' to print the headline "Homosexuals gain instant cure"<ref name="bmj">Lenzer, Jeanna (March 22, 2003) [https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC1125557/ "John Fryer"] ''[[British Medical Journal]]''</ref><ref name="pgn">DiGiacomo, Robert (2002) "Dr. H. Anonymous; 'Instant cure' recalled; Being gay was an illness 30 years ago" ''[[Philadelphia Gay News]]''; reprinted in the [https://web.archive.org/web/20080314224843/http://www.aglp.org/pages/VolumeXXVIII%283%29.html ''AGLP Newsletter''] (August 2002)</ref> &#x2013; and Fryer's speech has been cited as a key factor in persuading the psychiatric community to reach this decision.<ref name="scatsa2002">Scasta D. L. (2003) "John E. Fryer, MD, and the Dr. H. Anonymous Episode" ''Journal of Gay & Lesbian Psychotherapy'' Volume:6 Issue:4 pp.73–84.</ref>
-Once considered as medical disorders attracting legal prosecution and social stigma, expressions of non-heterosexuality are now broadly considered to be normal variations of human sexuality.<ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Anderson |first1=Joel |last2=Holland |first2=Elise |date=2015-10-06 |title=The legacy of medicalising 'homosexuality': A discussion on the historical effects of non-heterosexual diagnostic classifications |url=http://dx.doi.org/10.7790/sa.v11i1.405 |journal=Sensoria: A Journal of Mind, Brain & Culture |volume=11 |issue=1 |doi=10.7790/sa.v11i1.405 |issn=2203-8469}}</ref> In the process of gaining legitimacy, homosexuality has also been targeted as a market demographic for a variety of products ______.[]
+Expressions of non-heterosexuality are now broadly considered to be normal variations of human sexuality, although continued discrimination results in worse mental health of this population. This continued high-level correlation between mental health problems and homosexuality continued to motivate medicalisation of homosexuality, such as in the [[American Counseling Association|American Counselling Association]] and [[Australian Psychological Society]] {{Circa|2007}}.<ref name=":20">{{Cite journal |last1=Anderson |first1=Joel |last2=Holland |first2=Elise |date=2015-10-06 |title=The legacy of medicalising 'homosexuality': A discussion on the historical effects of non-heterosexual diagnostic classifications |url=http://dx.doi.org/10.7790/sa.v11i1.405 |journal=Sensoria: A Journal of Mind, Brain & Culture |volume=11 |issue=1 |doi=10.7790/sa.v11i1.405 |issn=2203-8469}}</ref>
 == Criticism ==
@@ Line 94: / Line 95: @@
 == Other sources ==
-Homosexuality in new zealand<ref name=":19">{{Cite journal |last1=Bennett |first1=James E. |last2=Brickell |first2=Chris |date=2018-03-19 |title=Surveilling the Mind and Body: Medicalising and De-medicalising Homosexuality in 1970s New Zealand |url=http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mdh.2018.4 |journal=Medical History |volume=62 |issue=2 |pages=199–216 |doi=10.1017/mdh.2018.4 |pmid=29553011 |pmc=5883162 |issn=0025-7273}}</ref>
 Don't have access to this one but seems useful<ref>{{Citation |last=Baldo |first=Michela |title=Queer feminisms and the translation of sexual health |date=2021-03-24 |url=http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003167983-24 |work=The Routledge Handbook of Translation and Health |pages=314–330 |access-date=2022-07-20 |place=Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge, 2021. {{!}} Series: Routledge handbooks in translation and interpreting studies |publisher=Routledge |doi=10.4324/9781003167983-24 |isbn=978-1-003-16798-3 |s2cid=233641483}}</ref>