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Marcus, while warning in 2010 against denying or minimizing antisemitism, also cautioned against the rhetorical overuse of the "anti-Semitism card", paralleling concerns raised by [[Richard Thompson Ford]] with the broader misuse of "the [[race card]]": that it can be dishonest and mean-spirited, risks weakening legitimate accusations of bigotry, risks distracting socially concerned organizations from other social injustices, and hurts outreach efforts between Jewish and Arab or Muslim groups.{{sfn|Marcus|2010|p=68-69|ps="Even if true, an overplayed "anti-Semitism card" may distract socially concerned individuals and organizations from other pressing problems, including social injustices facing other groups."}} Marcus wrote that many pro-Israel commentators who had condemned what they viewed as antisemitism in anti-Zionist rhetoric had also taken pains to say that many criticisms of Israel were not antisemitic.{{sfn|Marcus|2010|p=67-69|ps="Even if true, an overplayed "anti-Semitism card" may distract socially concerned individuals and organizations from other pressing problems, including social injustices facing other groups."}}
Marcus, while warning in 2010 against denying or minimizing antisemitism, also cautioned against the rhetorical overuse of the "anti-Semitism card", paralleling concerns raised by [[Richard Thompson Ford]] with the broader misuse of "the [[race card]]": that it can be dishonest and mean-spirited, risks weakening legitimate accusations of bigotry, risks distracting socially concerned organizations from other social injustices, and hurts outreach efforts between Jewish and Arab or Muslim groups.{{sfn|Marcus|2010|p=68-69|ps="Even if true, an overplayed "anti-Semitism card" may distract socially concerned individuals and organizations from other pressing problems, including social injustices facing other groups."}} Marcus wrote that many pro-Israel commentators who had condemned what they viewed as antisemitism in anti-Zionist rhetoric had also taken pains to say that many criticisms of Israel were not antisemitic.{{sfn|Marcus|2010|p=67-69|ps="Even if true, an overplayed "anti-Semitism card" may distract socially concerned individuals and organizations from other pressing problems, including social injustices facing other groups."}}

During the [[Israel-Hamas war]], Bernie Steinberg, the former director of [[Harvard University|Harvard]] [[Hillel International|Hillel]], told ''[[The Harvard Crimson]]'' that pro-Israeli activists should stop "weaponizing" charges of antisemitism against pro-Palestinian activism, writing, "It is not antisemitic to demand justice for all Palestinians living in their ancestral lands."<ref>{{cite web |last1=Steinberg |first1=Bernie |title=For the Safety of Jews and Palestinians, Stop Weaponizing Antisemitism |url=https://www.thecrimson.com/article/2023/12/29/steinberg-weaponizing-antisemitism/?fbclid=IwAR1tW8prmPEBaWlxQIcNzEYH-z4XGggMxQXeuB7oM7fmgNlmvgqnhmfU9aM |website=The Harvard Crimson |access-date=31 December 2023}}</ref> [[Marshall Ganz]], a professor at the [[Harvard Kennedy School]], also criticized the "weaponization" of antisemitism, writing the "tactics are remarkably similar to those used by Senator Joseph McCarthy".<ref>{{cite web |last1=Ganz |first1=Marshall |title=Calling for Respect, Freedom, and Security for All Is Not Antisemitic |url=https://www.thenation.com/article/world/israel-palestine-antisemitic/ |website=The Nation |access-date=19 February 2024}}</ref>


== Conceptual criticism ==
== Conceptual criticism ==

Revision as of 18:21, 19 February 2024

The weaponization of antisemitism, also described as the instrumentalization of antisemitism, is the use of the charge of antisemitism or the deployment of antisemitism and antisemitic sentiments.

In one context, it can be a bad faith charge of antisemitism against a person for political purposes, particularly with respect to criticism of Israel.[1][2] It has been criticized as a form of playing the race card, smear tactics and an "appeal to motive".[3][4][5][6]

Suggestions of such actions have been raised during phases of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict,[7][8][9] in the adoption of the controversial Working definition of antisemitism by various organizations,[10][11] the 2014–20 allegations of antisemitism in the UK Labour Party,[12] and the 2023 United States Congress hearing on antisemitism.[13][third-party source needed]

Critics of the concept have in turn argued that charging weaponization amounts to an antisemitic ad hominem attack whose use fails to address the issue at hand of antisemitism.[14][15][16][17][18][19][20] The charge has also been criticized as a "testimonial injustice", rooted in presumption rather than evidence.[21][22]

Descriptions

Israel-Palestine context

Charges of antisemitism relating to pro-Palestinian sentiment have been levied by international Israeli advocacy groups[specify] against prominent individuals such as President Jimmy Carter and Archbishop Desmond Tutu, Ben White wrote in the Journal of Palestine Studies.[23]

Academics John Mearsheimer, Stephen Walt, Noam Chomsky and Norman Finkelstein have said accusations of antisemitism rise following aggressive actions by Israel: following the Six-Day War, following the 1982 Lebanon War, the First and Second Intifadas and the Israeli bombardments of Gaza.[7][8][9] US politician Paul Findley, in his 1985 book They Dare to Speak Out, wrote: "In its latest usage, the term anti-Semitism stands stripped of any reference to ethnic or religious descent, signifying nothing more than a refusal to endorse all policy decisions of the government of Israel ... It has been a powerful factor in stifling debate of the Arab-Israeli dispute."[24]

Philadelphia Inquirer opinion writer Abraham Gutman wrote in 2021 that claims by Israel's leaders to represent all Jews worldwide had equated criticism of Israel to prejudice against all Jews. He wrote that this had led to weaponization against pro-Palestinian voices "sometimes in ridiculous ways", including by Marjorie Taylor Greene.[25] Chomsky argued in 2002: "With regard to anti-Semitism, the distinguished Israeli statesman Abba Eban pointed out the main task of Israeli propaganda (they would call it exclamation, what's called 'propaganda' when others do it) is to make it clear to the world there's no difference between anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism. By anti-Zionism he meant criticisms of the current policies of the State of Israel."[26]

Various writers have said that charges of antisemitism raised in discussions of Israel can have a chilling effect,[27][28] deterring critical commentary on Israel[27] due to fear of being associated with beliefs linked to antisemitic crimes against humanity such as the Holocaust. Mearsheimer and Walt wrote in 2008 that the charge can discourage others from defending in public those against whom the charge of antisemitism has been made.[29] Mearsheimer and Walt also argued that rhetorical accusations of antisemitism put a burden of proof on the person against whom the charge is raised, putting them in the "difficult" position of having to prove a negative.[30] They wrote that accusations of antisemitism are resonant with many Jewish communities, who have learned to be vigilant of antisemitism as a result of antisemitic tragedies in Jewish history.[31] They argued that by stifling discussion it allows myths about Israel to survive unchallenged.[32] Kenneth L. Marcus wrote in 2010 that although Mearsheimer and Walt described such accusations as "the Great Silencer", they had not themselves been silenced and had instead received a wide audience through their book and appearances.[33]

Joshua Leifer, an editor of Dissent magazine, wrote in 2019 that campaigns which redefine anti-Zionism as antisemitism aim to shift criticisms of the actions of the Israeli government "beyond the pale of mainstream acceptability".[34] Presuming that Muslims or Arabs criticizing Israel are motivated by antisemitism was described as Islamophobic in 2023 by ReThinking Foreign Policy president Mitchell Plitnick and Rutgers University law professor Sahar F. Aziz.[35] Ronnie Kasrils in 2020 compared claims of antisemitism in Britain to rhetorical strategies employed against the anti-apartheid movement by supporters of the South African government.[36]

Atalia Omer wrote in Contending Modernities in 2021 that weaponization of antisemitism is negative for all involved, including Israel and the broader Jewish community.[37]

Marcus, while warning in 2010 against denying or minimizing antisemitism, also cautioned against the rhetorical overuse of the "anti-Semitism card", paralleling concerns raised by Richard Thompson Ford with the broader misuse of "the race card": that it can be dishonest and mean-spirited, risks weakening legitimate accusations of bigotry, risks distracting socially concerned organizations from other social injustices, and hurts outreach efforts between Jewish and Arab or Muslim groups.[38] Marcus wrote that many pro-Israel commentators who had condemned what they viewed as antisemitism in anti-Zionist rhetoric had also taken pains to say that many criticisms of Israel were not antisemitic.[39]

During the Israel-Hamas war, Bernie Steinberg, the former director of Harvard Hillel, told The Harvard Crimson that pro-Israeli activists should stop "weaponizing" charges of antisemitism against pro-Palestinian activism, writing, "It is not antisemitic to demand justice for all Palestinians living in their ancestral lands."[40] Marshall Ganz, a professor at the Harvard Kennedy School, also criticized the "weaponization" of antisemitism, writing the "tactics are remarkably similar to those used by Senator Joseph McCarthy".[41]

Conceptual criticism

In the 1970s, the concept of "new antisemitism" emerged, with cultural critics identifying a novel form of antisemitism disguised as critique of Israel and Zionism.[42]

Sociologist David Hirsh has criticized the charge of weaponization in discourses about Israel, arguing that accusations of 'playing the antisemitism card' are often made in bad faith.[43][21][18] Hirsh coined the name the Livingstone Formulation, after Ken Livingstone, to refer to the charge of weaponizing claims of anti-semitism. In 2005, Livingstone made the argument that he was being subjected to weaponized charges of antisemitism after he compared a Jewish journalist to a concentration camp guard. Hirsh criticizes the rhetorical formulation as containing within it "a counter-charge of dishonest Jewish (or 'Zionist') conspiracy".[18] He also observes an inversion within the argument, in which antisemitism that has nothing to do with Israel is rhetorically defended with the claim that charges of antisemitism are misapplied to all criticisms of Israel. He terms this 'crying Israel', as opposed to 'crying antisemitism'.[44] He writes: "The Livingstone Formulation does not allege that Jews often misjudge what has happened to them, it alleges that they lie about what has happened to them. It is not an allegation of error, or over-zealousness, perhaps explicable by reference to the antisemitism of the past. It is an allegation of conspiracy."[45] He later compared the concept's invocation in discourses about antisemitism, writing that "The Macpherson principle says that if a black person says they have experienced racism you should begin by assuming that they are right. The Livingstone principle says: if Jews complain about antisemitism on the left then you should begin by assuming that they are making it up to silence criticism of Israel or to smear the left."[46]

Hadar Sela, writing for the Jerusalem Post in 2019, criticized the BBC for "amplification of antisemitic tropes" in alleged use of the Livingstone Formulation.[47] Lesley Klaff called the charge a "denial of contemporary antisemitism [that is] commonplace in Britain."[19]

Jon Pike argues that the charge of weaponizing antisemitism is an ad hominem attack that does not address the allegation of antisemitism levied: "Suppose some discussion of a 'new antisemitism' is used in an attempt to stifle strong criticism. Well, get over it. The genesis of the discussion and the motivation of the charge [don't] touch the truth or falsity of the charge. Deal with the charge, rather than indulging in some genealogical inquiry."[48]

David Schraub has called the charge "a first-cut response that presents marginalized persons as inherently untrustworthy, unbelievable, or lacking in the basic understandings regarding the true meaning of discrimination."[21]

The formulation has been described by Terry Glavin as a device deployed to shield left-wing anti-Semites from scrutiny.[49]

In 2020, the EHRC investigated antisemitism in the UK Labour Party and found that agents of the party had committed "unlawful harassment" by "suggesting that complaints of antisemitism are fake or smears," asserting in their report that "this conduct may target Jewish members as deliberately making up antisemitism complaints to undermine the Labour Party, and ignores legitimate and genuine complaints of antisemitism in the Party."[46]

See also

Bibliography

References

  1. ^ Waxman, Schraub & Hosein 2022.
  2. ^ Harpin, Lee (2020-07-07). "Former Israeli negotiator Daniel Levy tells Expo event antisemitism 'weaponised' to silence Palestinian struggle". The Jewish Chronicle.
  3. ^ White 2020.
  4. ^ Mearsheimer & Walt 2008, p. 9-11.
  5. ^ 128 scholars of Jewish history and Holocaust studies 2022.
  6. ^ 104 civil society organizations 2023.
  7. ^ a b Mearsheimer & Walt 2008, pp. 190–191"Supporters of Israel have a history of using fears of a "new anti-Semitism" to shield Israel from criticism."
  8. ^ a b Muzher, Sherri (2005-10-27). "Beyond Chutzpah: An Interview with Professor Norman Finkelstein". Campus Watch. Whenever Israel faces a public relations debacle such as the Intifada or international pressure to resolve the Israel-Palestine conflict, American Jewish organizations orchestrate this extravaganza called the 'new anti-Semitism.'
  9. ^ a b Chomsky 2002, p. 1.
  10. ^ Ahmed, Nasim (2023-09-15). "Weaponised definition of anti-Semitism is a 'tool' to undermine free-speech". Middle East Monitor.
  11. ^ Stern, Kenneth (2019-12-13). "I drafted the definition of antisemitism. Rightwing Jews are weaponizing it". the Guardian.
  12. ^ Graeber, David (2020-04-12). "The Weaponisation of Labour Antisemitism". Double Down News.
  13. ^ Steinberg 2023.
  14. ^ Klaff, Lesley D. (2013). "Political and Legal Judgment: Misuses of the Holocaust in the UK". SSRN Electronic Journal. doi:10.2139/ssrn.2284423. ISSN 1556-5068.
  15. ^ Guhl, Jakob; Mering, Sabine von (2022-03-22). ""Everyone I Know Isn't Antisemitic"". Antisemitism on Social Media. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-000-55429-8.
  16. ^ Allington, Daniel (2018-08-01). "'Hitler had a valid argument against some Jews': Repertoires for the denial of antisemitism in Facebook discussion of a survey of attitudes to Jews and Israel". Discourse, Context & Media. 24: 129–136. doi:10.1016/j.dcm.2018.03.004. ISSN 2211-6958.
  17. ^ "How the BBC proliferates antisemitism in the UK". The Jerusalem Post | JPost.com. 2019-02-10. Retrieved 2024-01-14.
  18. ^ a b c Hirsh, David (January 2010). "Accusations of malicious intent in debates about the Palestine-Israel conflict and about antisemitism: The Livingstone Formulation, 'playing the antisemitism card' and contesting the boundaries of antiracist discourse" (PDF). Transversal: 47–77.
  19. ^ a b Klaff, Lesley (2016-12-01), Wistrich, Robert S. (ed.), Holocaust inversion in British politics : the case of David Ward, University of Nebraska Press, pp. 185–196, ISBN 978-0-8032-9671-8, retrieved 2024-01-09
  20. ^ R. Vaughan, James (2021-12-17), Rawnsley, Gary D.; Ma, Yiben; Pothong, Kruakae (eds.), "The media, antisemitism, and political warfare in Jeremy Corbyns Labour Party, 2015-2019", Research Handbook on Political Propaganda, Edward Elgar Publishing, doi:10.4337/9781789906424.00023, ISBN 978-1-78990-642-4, retrieved 2024-01-14
  21. ^ a b c Schraub, David (2016). "Playing with Cards: Discrimination Claims and the Charge of Bad Faith". Social Theory and Practice. 42 (2): 285–303. ISSN 0037-802X. JSTOR 24871344.
  22. ^ Digital, Ascet (2017-05-03). "Scribblings: Exposing the Livingstone Formulation". AIJAC. Retrieved 2024-01-09.
  23. ^ White 2020, p. 67: "Israeli officials, as well as Israel advocacy organizations internationally, have a long history of charging Palestinians and their allies, as well as Israel's critics and human-rights campaigners, with anti-Semitism. Prominent individuals are not exempted."
  24. ^ Findley 1987, p. 316
  25. ^ Gutman, Abraham (2021-05-27). "Supporting Palestinian rights is antisemitic because Israel wants it to be". The Philadelphia Inquirer – via nbcnews.com. It is this conflation between Israel and Judaism, one that is baked into the foundation of Israel and perpetuated by its leaders, that leads to a problematic tautology: Israel's leaders represent all Jewish people, and thus by definition any criticism of Israel must be criticism of all Jewish people — and hence antisemitic.
  26. ^ Chomsky 2002: "With regard to anti-Semitism, the distinguished Israeli statesman Abba Eban pointed out the main task of Israeli propaganda (they would call it exclamation, what's called 'propaganda' when others do it) is to make it clear to the world there's no difference between anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism. By anti-Zionism he meant criticisms of the current policies of the State of Israel. So there's no difference between criticism of policies of the State of Israel and anti-Semitism, because if he can establish 'that' then he can undercut all criticism by invoking the Nazis and that will silence people. We should bear it in mind when there's talk in the US about anti-Semitism."
  27. ^ a b Lerner, Rabbi Michael (2007-02-07). "Highest Jewish values sometimes conflict with Israeli policy". The Mercury News. The impact of the silencing of debate about Israeli policy on Jewish life has been devastating.
  28. ^ Thompson 2012, p. 12: "They called the charge of anti-Semitism “the Great Silencer.”"
  29. ^ Mearsheimer & Walt 2008, p. 191b
  30. ^ Mearsheimer & Walt 2008, p. 191-192: "Third, this tactic works because it is difficult for anyone to prove beyond all doubt that he or she is not anti-Semitic, especially when criticizing Israel or the lobby"
  31. ^ Mearsheimer & Walt 2008, p. 192: "The accusation is likely to resonate among American Jews, many of whom still believe that anti-Semitism is rife."
  32. ^ Mearsheimer & Walt 2008, p. 196.
  33. ^ Marcus 2010, p. 73: "Indeed, Stephen Walt and John Mearsheimer recently called anti-Semitism allegations the “Great Silencer.”
  34. ^ Leifer, Joshua (2019-08-26). "Israel's one-state reality is sowing chaos in American politics". +972 Magazine. Today, the Israeli hasbara apparatus's most active front is the attempted redefinition of anti-Zionism as anti-Semitism, with the goal of rendering any opposition to the occupation, Zionism – or even simply Israeli policies themselves — beyond the pale of mainstream acceptability.
  35. ^ Plitnick & Aziz 2023, p. 47.
  36. ^ Kasrils, Ronnie (2020-12-17), Against the Witch Hunt: On the Instrumentalization of Antisemitism in Britain's Labor Party
  37. ^ Omer, Atalia (2021-01-21). "Weaponizing Antisemitism is Bad for Jews, Israel, and Peace". Contending Modernities. Retrieved 2024-01-01.
  38. ^ Marcus 2010, p. 68-69"Even if true, an overplayed "anti-Semitism card" may distract socially concerned individuals and organizations from other pressing problems, including social injustices facing other groups."
  39. ^ Marcus 2010, p. 67-69"Even if true, an overplayed "anti-Semitism card" may distract socially concerned individuals and organizations from other pressing problems, including social injustices facing other groups."
  40. ^ Steinberg, Bernie. "For the Safety of Jews and Palestinians, Stop Weaponizing Antisemitism". The Harvard Crimson. Retrieved 31 December 2023.
  41. ^ Ganz, Marshall. "Calling for Respect, Freedom, and Security for All Is Not Antisemitic". The Nation. Retrieved 19 February 2024.
  42. ^ Berkman, Matthew (2022). "The Conflict on Campus". In A. Siniver (ed.). Routledge Companion to the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict. Taylor & Francis. p. 522. ISBN 978-0-429-64861-8. Retrieved 2023-05-21. Attempts to rearticulate antisemitism to encompass opposition to Israel's "right to exist" or its character as a Jewish state date back to the 1970s, when the Anti-Defamation League first popularized a discourse on "the new antisemitism" (see Forster and Epstein 1974; on the subsequent development of that discourse see Judaken 2008). The identification of anti-Zionism with antisemitism has long been de rigueur in Jewish communal and broader pro-Israel circles, but only in the last two decades have Israel advocacy groups endeavoured to establish it as a principle of United States anti-discrimination law. The earliest step in this direction was taken in 2004, when Kenneth L. Marcus, the Assistant Secretary of Education for the Office for Civil Rights (OCR) under President George W. Bush, issued a game-changing policy guidance letter empowering OCR staff, for the first time, to investigate complaints under Title VI of the Civil Rights Act alleging pervasive antisemitism on college campuses.
  43. ^ "Antisemitism and Radical Anti-Israel Bias on the Political Left in Europe". Anti-Defamation League. 8 August 2023. Retrieved 2024-01-31.
  44. ^ Hirsh, David (2007). Anti-Zionism and Antisemitism: Cosmopolitan Reflections. Yale Initiative for the Interdisciplinary Study of Antisemitism. ISBN 978-0-9819058-0-8.
  45. ^ "It was the new phenomenon of Israel-focused antisemitism that required the new definition. David Hirsh responds to a recent 'call to reject' the IHRA". Fathom. Retrieved 2024-01-09.
  46. ^ a b Hirsh, David. "The 'Livingstone formula' is dead". www.thejc.com. Retrieved 2024-01-31.
  47. ^ "How the BBC proliferates antisemitism in the UK". The Jerusalem Post | JPost.com. 2019-02-10. Retrieved 2024-01-09.
  48. ^ Pike, Jon (31 January 2008). "Antisemitism and Testimonial injustice". Engage. Archived from the original on 4 February 2008.
  49. ^ Glavin, Terry (2 May 2016). "Terry Glavin: The left confronts its antisemitism". National Post.