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Committee of Fifteen

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For the Joint Committee of Fifteen, see United States Congress Joint Committee on Reconstruction.

The Committee of Fifteen was a New York City citizens' group established in November 1900 to combat prostitution and gambling. Formed by influential members of New York’s upper class, the Committee aimed to expose and reduce vice within the city, focusing particularly on areas where police corruption and political protection facilitated illegal activities. Through a combination of undercover investigations and public advocacy, the Committee gathered extensive evidence on urban vice, eventually presenting its findings to Governor Benjamin Barker Odell, Jr. in 1901. While the Committee disbanded later that year, its findings influenced the creation of the Committee of Fourteen, which took up the cause. The Committee of Fifteen’s report, The Social Evil With Special Reference to Conditions Existing in the City of New York, published in 1902, became a cornerstone document for early 20th-century urban reform.[1]

Disorderly House Report, NYC Police 1901 from The Committee of Fifteen Records

Formation and Purpose

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The Committee of Fifteen was founded during a period of rising concern over urban vice, driven by fears of moral decline and frustrations with police corruption. In 1900, Bishop Henry Codman Potter publicly condemned New York’s "red-light" districts, where gambling and prostitution flourished under police protection. In response, Tammany Hall attempted to address the issue by creating a Committee of Five, which proved ineffective due to internal corruption and inaction.[2] This failure led prominent citizens, including William H. Baldwin, Jr., Edwin R. A. Seligman, and George Foster Peabody, to form the Committee of Fifteen as an independent body with greater resources and public support.[3]

The Committee’s purpose extended beyond merely closing down brothels and gambling dens. Its founders viewed vice as symptomatic of broader social problems, including poverty, inadequate housing, and political corruption. They believed that targeting prostitution and gambling would expose systemic issues and pressure the government to enforce moral standards. The Committee’s investigations aimed to gather empirical evidence, using it to support reform-oriented legislation and pressure public officials into adopting stricter enforcement measures.[4][5]

Investigative Methods

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The Committee of Fifteen employed a comprehensive and structured approach to investigation. Using private detectives, often former law enforcement officers, the Committee’s investigators visited saloons, gambling houses, brothels, and tenements, documenting their observations. Investigators typically posed as patrons to gain access to vice establishments and were tasked with gathering specific details about locations, operators, patrons, and police interactions. Reports from these investigations provided insight into the relationship between police officers and vice operators, revealing instances of bribery and extortion.[6]

Investigators also created a “vice map,” a visual representation of areas with high concentrations of illicit activities, particularly the Tenderloin District. By pinpointing these areas, the Committee could focus its efforts on locations most affected by vice, including several immigrant neighborhoods.[7] The Committee’s records included forms titled “Disorderly Tenement House in the City of New York,” which documented each establishment’s address, activities, and any signs of police collusion. This systematic collection of evidence enabled the Committee to present a comprehensive picture of the vice economy in New York.[8][9]

Committee of Fifteen Gambling-House Raid 1901 New York City

Police Raids and Public Response

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One of the Committee’s most visible tactics was organizing police raids on vice establishments. The first major raid, on February 26, 1901, targeted gambling houses in the Tenderloin District. However, police sergeants reportedly tipped off operators, allowing them to hide evidence and avoid arrest. The *Collier's Weekly* article on the raid described how officers notified establishments of the raid in advance, giving them time to remove illegal items like roulette wheels and gambling chips.[10][11]

Justice William Travers Jerome, a significant figure in the Committee’s work, personally led some raids to ensure warrants were executed without interference. The high-profile raids attracted media attention and sparked public debate over police corruption. While some citizens praised the Committee’s efforts, others viewed the failed raids as evidence of entrenched corruption. The Committee's raids continued despite challenges, raising public awareness and pressuring officials to reform the police force.[12][13]

William Travers Jerome

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Justice William Travers Jerome played a central role in the Committee’s efforts, lending legal authority and reformist enthusiasm. Jerome, a respected judge, became known for his outspoken criticism of police corruption and his commitment to urban reform. He led several raids personally, overseeing enforcement to prevent police interference. Jerome’s involvement provided the Committee with a crucial ally in the judiciary, bolstering its credibility and impact.

Jerome’s outspoken stance and direct involvement in anti-vice operations reflected his dedication to public service and transparency. His presence in high-profile raids underscored the need for judicial oversight and reinforced the Committee’s mission to hold law enforcement accountable. However, Jerome’s activism attracted opposition from Tammany Hall-backed officials, creating political tensions that challenged his reform efforts.[14][15]

Raiding New York City Collier's Weekly May 25, 1901 p.27

Eugene Philbin

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Eugene Philbin, then serving as District Attorney, worked closely with the Committee, using its findings to prosecute cases of vice and corruption. Though not a formal member, Philbin was a strong supporter, and his office frequently collaborated with the Committee, relying on its investigative reports to build cases against vice operators and their protectors within the police force. Philbin’s cooperation illustrated the importance of legal support for civic reform efforts, as his prosecutions highlighted the prevalence of corruption and the need for systemic change.

Philbin’s work with the Committee underscored the potential for collaboration between civic groups and government agencies. His prosecutions helped legitimize the Committee’s mission and bolstered public support for further legal reforms targeting vice-related activities.[16][17]

Legislative Impact and Social Reforms

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The Committee of Fifteen’s work laid the groundwork for legislative reforms targeting urban vice. One of its major accomplishments was supporting proposals by the Tenement House Commission to hold landlords accountable for illegal activities on their properties. In 1901, legislation was passed imposing fines on landlords who allowed gambling or prostitution in their tenements. This represented a significant victory for reformers seeking to address vice at a structural level.[18]

The Committee’s findings also influenced public opinion, sparking calls for further action against police corruption. Through publicized reports and media coverage, the Committee fostered a growing awareness of vice as a systemic issue linked to economic exploitation and governmental inaction. By highlighting these connections, the Committee paved the way for future legislative efforts, including restrictions on Raines law hotels that circumvented liquor and vice laws to operate as brothels.[19][20]

The Social Evil Report

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The Committee’s 1902 publication, The Social Evil With Special Reference to Conditions Existing in the City of New York, provided an exhaustive account of New York’s prostitution and gambling industries. This report exposed the extent of police protection for vice operators and called for stronger regulations. Among its recommendations were stricter enforcement of anti-soliciting laws and harsher penalties for property owners who permitted illegal activities on their premises.[21]

The report influenced the formation of the Committee of Fourteen, which focused on prostitution in Raines law hotels. This follow-up organization built upon the Committee of Fifteen’s legacy, targeting loopholes and advocating for more stringent legal controls over establishments that facilitated vice. The Social Evil report became a reference for other reform movements, emphasizing the Committee’s lasting influence on social policy.[22][23]

Legacy and Historical Significance

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The Committee of Fifteen’s brief existence left a significant mark on New York’s Progressive Era reform landscape. Its innovative approach—combining undercover surveillance with public advocacy and legal action—served as a model for future reform groups. Historians view the Committee as a crucial component of early 20th-century civic engagement, demonstrating how private citizens could influence urban policy and challenge political corruption.[24][25]

The Committee’s efforts also inspired other cities to establish similar groups, seeking to replicate New York’s approach to combating urban vice. Although short-lived, the Committee of Fifteen laid the groundwork for subsequent organizations and reforms, shaping public policy and setting a precedent for civic action against systemic corruption.[26]

Members in 1901

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Source:[1]

See Also

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Further Reading

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  • Committee of Fifteen Records, 1900–1901. Compiled by Melanie Yolles. New York: Manuscripts and Archives Section, New York Public Library
  • Fronc, Jennifer. New York Undercover: Private Surveillance in the Progressive Era. University of Chicago Press, 2009.
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  1. ^ a b "Committee of Fifteen records 1900-1901". The New York Public Library. Retrieved December 31, 2022.
  2. ^ Katz, Elizabeth. Prostitution and Morality in New York City, 1890-1920. New York: Oxford University Press, 1999.
  3. ^ Beckert, Sven. The Monied Metropolis: New York City and the Consolidation of the American Bourgeoisie, 1850-1896. Cambridge University Press, 2001.
  4. ^ McCormick, Richard. The Progressive Movement in New York City. Harper & Brothers, 1956.
  5. ^ Reitano, Joanne. The Restless City: A Short History of New York from Colonial Times to the Present. Routledge, 2006.
  6. ^ Pascoe, Peggy. Relations of Rescue: The Role of Women in New York's Urban Reform Movements. University of Chicago Press, 1990.
  7. ^ "The Tenderloin, New York’s Vice District". Bowery Boys Podcast. October 2009.
  8. ^ Burrows, Edwin G., and Mike Wallace. Gotham: A History of New York City to 1898. Oxford University Press, 1999.
  9. ^ Monkkonen, Eric. Police in Urban America, 1860-1920. Cambridge University Press, 2004.
  10. ^ Fronc, Jennifer. New York Undercover: Private Surveillance in the Progressive Era. University of Chicago Press, 2009.
  11. ^ "Policing the Vice Dens". Collier's Weekly. May 25, 1901.
  12. ^ "Exposing Vice: The Committee of Fifteen's Police Raids in the Tenderloin District". Journal of American Social History. 1901.
  13. ^ Conboy, Martin. The Press and Popular Culture. SAGE Publications, 2002.
  14. ^ Burns, Sarah. Inventing the Public Enemy: Prostitution and the Progressive Era in New York. Yale University Press, 1989.
  15. ^ Alexander, June Granatir. The Political Machine and Urban Reform. Routledge, 2003.
  16. ^ Burrows, Edwin G. (1999). Gotham: A History of New York City to 1898. Oxford University Press.
  17. ^ Peterson, Jon A. (2003). The Birth of City Planning in the United States, 1840–1917. Johns Hopkins University Press.
  18. ^ "Tenement House Reform in New York". The New York Times. April 1, 1901.
  19. ^ McNamara, John. The History of Raines Law Hotels and Their Impact on Prostitution. NYU Press, 1910.
  20. ^ Edwards, Jonathan. Social Control and Urban Vice. Harvard University Press, 2004.
  21. ^ Committee of Fifteen. The Social Evil With Special Reference to Conditions Existing in the City of New York. New York, 1902.
  22. ^ Cohen, Nancy. The Reconstruction of American Liberalism, 1865-1914. University of North Carolina Press, 2002.
  23. ^ Pendleton, Sarah. Gender, Morality, and Prostitution in Progressive Era Reform. Syracuse University Press, 2001.
  24. ^ Campbell, Robert. New York's Progressive Movement: The Fight Against Urban Vice, 1890-1915. University of Chicago Press, 1983.
  25. ^ Addams, Jane. Democracy and Social Ethics. New York: Macmillan, 1902.
  26. ^ Alexander, June Granatir. The Political Machine and Urban Reform. Routledge, 2003.
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